Index to Vol. II (part 1 of 2)

Notes

1. 1

   So Oehler (Theologie des A. Test. Vol. I. p. 159), and others: 'Our Elohim' is in apposition to the first Jehovah, and 'chd is predicate to the second Jehovah.

2. 2

   So our English Version, Keil, and others, who take 'Jehovah, our Elohim' as the subject, and 'one Jehovah' as the predicate, of the sentence. The Mohammedans have borrowed their monotheistic watchword from the Jews, with a heretical addition—'There is no God but Allah; and Mohammed is his prophet.'

3. 3

   The Greek nominative with the article is used for the vocative, as in Matt. xi. 26, where God is addressed in prayer, ho pater ; xxvii. 29, chaire ho basileus ; in Mark xv. 34, ho theos mou, ho theos mou, eis ti enkatelipes me ; in Luke viii. 54, and in many other passages.

4. 4

   Theodore of Mopsnestia: ' Quasi pro miraculo facto Deum collaudat. ' He is followed by Socinians and Rationalists.

5. 5

   The essential identity of the Scriptures and the apostolic tradition is asserted by Irenæus (Adv. Hær. Lib. III. cap. 1, § 1): 'Non per alios dispositionem salutis nostræ cognovimus, quam per eos [apostolos], per quos evangelium pervenit ad nos; quod quidem tunc præconaverunt, postea vero per Dei voluntatem in Scripturis nobis tradiderunt, fundamentum et columnam fidei nostræ futuram.' Comp. the fragment of his letter to Florinus, preserved by Eusebius (H. E. v. 20), where he says that the presbyters and Polycarp handed down the teaching of the Lord as they received it from the eye-witnesses of the Word of Life—in entire accordance with, the Scriptures ( panta sumphona tais graphais ).

6. 6

   Lit. 'yet having received.' In the Greek the creed is part of one sentence, which is resumed in touto to kerugma pareilephuia kai tauten ten pistin ... he ekklesia ... epimelos phulassei.

7. 7

   The Greek original is here defective. The Latin translation reads as follows: ' Sententia firma quæ est in Spiritu Dei, qui pæstat agnitionem veritatis, qui dispositiones Patris et Filii exposuit, secundum quas aderat generi humano quemadmodum vult Pater. '

8. 8

   That is: This also belongs to the unchangeable rule of faith, that the Lord will hold general judgment after the dead are raised to life again. Neander (Tertull. p. 303) transposes etiam before per: 'To judge the dead also through the resurrection.' To this Tertullian adds: ' Hac lege fidei manente, cætera jam disciplinæ et conversationis admittunt novitatem correctionis, operante scilicet et proficiente usque in finem gratia Dei ' (This law of faith remaining, all other matters of discipline and conversation admit of the novelty of correction, the grace of God, namely, working and advancing to the end). The article on the Holy Ghost is here omitted.

9. 9

   In the Latin the following sentences depend on credimus. The English idiom requires more freedom.

10. 10

    This important insertion (the only express recognition of the Scriptures in the Creed) is also found in the Nicene Creed ( kata tas graphas ), after the clause risen on the third day, but disappeared in the later forms of the Apostles' Creed.

11. 11

    To this Tertullian adds: ' Hanc regulam ab initio Evangelii decucurrisse, etiam ante priores quosque hæreticos, ne dum ante Praxean hesternum, probabit tam ipsa posteritas omnium hæreticorum, quam ipsa novellitas Praxeæ hesterni. ' i.e. 'That this rule has come down from the beginning of the gospel, even before the earlier heretics, and so of course before the Praxeas of yesterday, is proved both by the lateness of all heretics, and by the novelty of this Praxeas of yesterday.'

12. 12

    Al. exisse (Cod. Urs.).

13. 13

    Al. sedere, sitteth.

14. 14

    'Hæc regula,' he adds here also, 'a Christo, ut probabitur, instituta nullas habet apud nos quæstiones, nisi quas hæreses inferunt et quæ hæreticos faciunt; cæterum manente forma ejus in suo ordine, quantum libet quæras et tractes et omnem libidinem curiositatis effundas.'

15. 15

    See the Greek text of the creed of the Antiochean Synod in Hahn, pp. 91-96; an English translation in Swainson, pp. 52-55.

16. 16

    Variations: teleia zoe zonton, perfecta vita viventium; viventium causa. See Hahn, p. 99.

17. 17

    Omitted in some MSS., and by Hahn.

18. 18

    Rufinus: sanctitas sanctificationis præstatrix. Another Latin version: sanctitas et fons sanctitatis et ædificationis administrator.

19. 19

    Variations: teleia zoe zonton, perfecta vita viventium; viventium causa. See Hahn, p. 99.

20. 20

    Omitted in some MSS., and by Hahn.

21. 21

    Rufinus: sanctitas sanctificationis præstatrix. Another Latin version: sanctitas et fons sanctitatis et ædificationis administrator.

22. 22

    Latin version: subintroductum. Rufinus: superinductum.

23. 23

    Latin version: subintroductum. Rufinus: superinductum.

24. 24

    I connect monogene with theon, which accords with the reading of some of the oldest MSS. (the Sinaitic and the Vatican), in John i. 18 ( monogenes theos instead of huios ). But according to the usual punctuation adopted by Hahn we must translate, 'his only-begotten Son, God.'

25. 25

    John i. 1.

26. 26

    Col. i. 17.

27. 27

    Heb. iii. 1.

28. 28

    John vi. 38.

29. 29

    Matt. xxviii. 19.

30. 30

    The Latin version in Mansi: 'quæ ab una orbis terrarum ora ad alteram usque porrigitur.'

31. 31

    Here the Creed of Cæsarea stops. What follows is an explanatory summary or a personal confession of Eusebius. This difference Hahn seems to have overlooked (p. 47).

32. 32

    Here the Creed of Cæsarea stops. What follows is an explanatory summary or a personal confession of Eusebius. This difference Hahn seems to have overlooked (p. 47).

33. 33

    Ussher, Bull, and Hahn read sarkothenta, was made flesh.

34. 34

    The words in brackets are doubtful, and are so considered by Touttée, Hahn, and Swainson.

35. 35

    The words in brackets are doubtful, and are so considered by Touttée, Hahn, and Swainson.

36. 36

    Substituted for ktiston e trepton, made or changeable, in the Nicene Formula of 325.

37. 37

    Substituted for ktiston e trepton, made or changeable, in the Nicene Formula of 325.

38. 38

    teleion, as also the preceding teleios and the following noun , are evidently directed against the Apollinarian heresy, which taught only a partial incarnation, and made the divine Logos take the place of the reasonable soul.

39. 39

    Probably directed against Origen's view of the spiritual resurrection body.

40. 40

    The codices read lambanomenon and lambanonta. Caspari (Vol. I. p. 5) conjectures lambanon with reference to John xvi. 14, ek tou emou lempsetai, and Ancor. c. 7; Pan. hær. 74, c. 1, where Epiphanins uses lambanon .

41. 41

    The Roman Creed according to Rufinus (380) ends with carnis resurrectionem but the Greek version of the Roman Creed by Marcellus (341) with zoen aionion.

42. 42

    The Latin and Greek texts of the Apostles' Creed are taken from the Psalterium Græcum et Romanum, erroneously ascribed to Pope Gregory the Great, first published from a MS. preserved in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, by Archbishop Ussher: De Romanæ Ecclesiæ Symbolo Apostolico vetere, London, 1647. I used the Geneva edition, 1722, pp. 6, 7. The MS. is written in two parallel columns, the one Latin, the other Greek, but the Greek likewise in Latin characters. The same text is given by Hahn, Biblioth. der Symb. p. 10, and Heutley (in Greek), Harmonia Symb. pp. 81-83. The Latin text agrees with the creed of Pirminius (d. 758) in Heurtley, p. 71. Caspari discovered and published four other Greek translations from mediæval MSS. with slight variations, Vol. III. pp. 11 sqq.

43. 43

    See Footnote 45.

44. 44

    See Footnote 45.

45. 45

    Descendit ad inferna (other Latin copies: ad inferos , to the inhabitants of the spirit-world; so also in the Athanasian Symbol), katelthonta eis ta katotata (other Eastern creeds: eis hadou , viz., topon , or eis ton haden ), he descended into Hades. This clause was unknown in the older creeds, though believed in the Church, and was transferred into the Roman symbol after the fifth century, probably from that of Aquilcia, A.D. 390, where it first appears among Latin creeds, as we learn from Rufinus. In the East it is found before in Arian creeds (about 360). After this we meet it again in the Creed of Venantius Fortunatus, A.D. 590, who had the Creed of Rufinus before him. The words katotata and inferna, taken from Eph. iv. 9, correspond here to the Greek Haides , which occurs eleven times in the Greek Testament, viz., Matt. xi. 23; xvi. 18; Luke x. 15; xvi. 23; Acts ii. 27, 31; 1 Cor. xv. 55; Rev. i. 18; vi. 8; xx. 13, 14, and is always incorrectly translated hell in the English Version, except in 1 Cor. xv. 55. Hades signifies, like the Hebrew Sheol, the unseen spirit-world, the abode of all the departed, both the righteous and wicked; while hell (probably from the Saxon word helan, to cover, to conceal), at least in modern usage, is a much narrower conception, and signifies the state and place of eternal damnation, like the Hebrew gehenna, which occurs twelve times in the Greek Testament, and is so translated in the English Bible, viz., Matt. v. 22, 29, 30; x. 28; xviii. 9; xxiii. 15, 33; Mark ix. 43, 45, 47; Luke xii. 5; James iii. 6. The American editions of the Book of Common Prayer leave it optional with the minister to use, in the Creed, hell, or the place of departed spirits; but it would be much better to restore or popularize the Greek Hades. The current translation, hell, is apt to mislead, and excludes the important fact—the only one which we certainly know of the mysterious triduum—that Christ was in Paradise in the time between the crucifixion and the resurrection, according to his own declaration to the penitent thief, Luke xxiii. 43. Some connect the descent into Hades with the resurrection in one article; while others, on the contrary, connect it with the preceding article by placing a (,) after buried. It forms rather a separate article, and should be included in (;), as above. The clause has been explained in three different ways: 1. It is identical with sepultus (Rufinus), or means 'continued in the state of death and under the power of death' till the resurrection (Westminster divines). This makes it a useless repetition in figurative language. 2. It signifies the intensity of Christ's sufferings on the cross, where he tasted the pain of hell for sinners (Calvin and the Heidelberg Catechism). This is inconsistent with the order of the clause between death and resurrection. 3. An actual self-manifestation of Christ after the crucifixion to all the departed spirits, Luke xxiii. 43; Acts ii. 27, 31; 1 Pet. iii. 18, 19; iv.6; comp. Eph. iv. 8, 9; Col. ii. 15; Phil. ii. 10; Rev. i. 18. As such the descent is a part of the universality of the scheme of redemption, and forms the transition from the state of humiliation to the state of exaltation. This is the historical explanation, according to the belief of the ancient Church, but leaves much room for speculation concerning the object and effect of the descent.

46. 46

    'Resurrection of the body.' The older English translations of the Creed had the literal rendering flesh ( caro , sarx ), by which the ancient Church protested against spiritualistic conceptions of the Gnostics. But this may be misunderstood in a grossly materialistic sense, while the resurrection of the body is unobjectionable; comp. 1 Cor. xv. 50. According to Heurtley, l.c. p. 147, the change of flesh into body was first made 1543, in 'The necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man,' set forth by Henry VIII.; but in the Interrogative Creed, used at Baptism and at the Visitation of the Sick, flesh is retained.

47. 47

    The Latin text of the old Roman Creed first appears in Rufinus, Espositio Symboli Apostolici, towards the end of the fourth century (compare the Appendix to the Opp. Cypriæni, ed. John Fell, Oxon. 1682, fol. pp. 17 sqq.), but it must be much older (see note 3 below). The faithful transmission of the Creed in the Church of the City of Rome is testified by Ambrose, Epistola ad Siricium Pap.: 'Credatur Symbolo Apostolorum, quod Ecclesia Romana intemeratum semper custodit et servat;' and by Vigilius of Thapsus, Contra Entych. 1. IV. c. I: 'Romæ . . . a temporibus Apostolorum usque ad nunc . . . ita fidelibus Symbolum traditur.' Compare Hahn, Bibliothek der Symbole, pp. 3, 30, 42, 43. On the difference between the old Roman form and the enlarged received text, see Vol. I. pp. 21, 22.

48. 48

    With the early Roman form the Creed of the Church of Hippo Regius, as given in the second column from the genuine expositions of St. Augustine (De Fide et Symbolo; De Genesi ad literam; Enchiridion de Fide, Spe et Caritate), almost literally agrees; so also the Creed of Ambrose, as far as it is quoted in his Tractates in Symbolum Apostolorum (Hahn, p. 16). The close connection of Augustine with the Church of Rome and the Church of Milan (where he was baptized, 387) accounts for the agreement. In his genuine works, however, he never gives the Creed continuously, but, like Rufinus, mixed with the exposition in which it is imbedded, and at times it is difficult to separate it from the writer's own words. See Hahn, pp. 13-15, and especially Heurtley, pp. 32-47. The former adopts the reading de Spiritu S. et virg. Mar.; tertia die for tertio; and omits in vitam eternam.

49. 49

    The Greek text is to be found in Epiphanius, Hæres. LXXII. Opp. ed. Petav. Tom. I. p. 836; ed. Oehler in Corp. hæreseol. Tom. II. Pt. III. p. 52. It was inserted in a letter written by Marcellus of Ancyra to Julius I., Bishop of Rome, about 341 (or 337, as Hahn and Caspari assume), with a view to prove his orthodoxy against the Eusebians, who, under the impeachment of heresy, had previously deposed him. (As regards the chronology, see Zahn, Marcellus von Ancyra, Gotha, 1867, p. 68.) It occurs also, in Anglo-Saxon letters, in the Psaltery of King Athelstan (d. 941), to which Ussher first called attention. See a fac-simile in Heurtley, p. 80, and the copy and comments in Caspari, Vol. III. pp. 5 sqq. The Greek text of Marcellus differs from the Latin of Rufinus only by the omission of the predicate patera (Father) in the first article (which may be an error of the copyist), and by the addition of the last two words, zoen aionion (which occur also in the creed of Petrus Chrysologus of Ravenna). It was heretofore regarded as a translation of the Roman Creed, but Caspari, with a vast amount of learning (Vol. III. pp. 28 sqq.), has made it almost certain that it is the original Creed of the Roman Church, in which the Greek language prevailed during the first two centuries. It was probably transplanted to Rome from Asia Minor early in the second century. It is simpler and older than the rules of faith of Tertullian and Irenæus.

50. 50

    Taken from Rufinus (d.410), Expos. Symboli Apost. (in Cyprian's Op., ed. Fell, Appendix, pp. 17 sqq.; also in Jerome's Works). Comp. Hahn, Bibliothek der Symbole, etc., pp. 30 sqq.; Denzinger, Enchirid., p. 2; and Heurtley, Harmonia Symb., pp. 26 sqq. Hahn and Heurtley add the chief comments of Rufinus. He gives it as the Creed of the Church of Aquileja, where he was baptized (' illum ordinem sequimur, quem in Aquilejensi ecclesia per lavaori gratiam suscepimus '). There are, however, two other Creeds used in the churches of the province of Aquileja, of uncertain (possibly of earlier) date, which are more in harmony with the old Roman form, and omit invisibili et impassibili in the first article, hujus before carnis in the last article, and the clause descendit ad inferna. They were found and first published by De Rubeis (Venice, 1754), in his Dissertationes ... de Liturgicis Ritibus Ecclesiæ Forojuliensis, pp. 242, 243, 249; then by Walch. l.c. p. 54 sq.; Hahn, p. 39; and Heurtley, pp. 30 sqq.

51. 51

    From the Expositio Symboli of Venantius Honorius Clemens Fortunatus, an Italian presbyter, afterwards Bishop of Poitiers in France, d. about 600. He follows Rufinus very closely, and evidently made use of his Exposition. See Hahn, l.c. p. 33, and Heurtley, pp. 54-56. The Commentary on the Athanasian Creed, which Muratori and Waterland ascribe to the same author, is by an unknown Fortunatus of a later age. See Vol. I. pp. 34-37.

52. 52

    This is the oldest reading, as also in Jesu Christo, and in Spiritu Sancto. So Vallarsius (ed. of Jerome), Baluze (the Bened. editor of Cyprian), Walch, and Hahn. Other copies correct the ablative into the accusative: in Deum Patrem omnipotentem, invisibilem et impassibilem, in Jesum Christum. So the first printed ed. of 1468, the Bened. ed. of Jerome, Pamelius, Fell, Heurtley. On the article on the Holy Spirit, the majority of authorities agree in reading the ablative, which is confirmed by Fortunatus. The addition of the attributes invisible and impassible, which are not found in any other form, have a polemical reference to the heresy of the Patripassians and Sabellians, as Rufinus remarks (§ 5).

53. 53

    Rufinus (§ 18): 'Sciendum sane est quod in Ecclesiæ Romanæ Symbolo non habetur additum "Descendit ad inferna:" sed neque in Orientis Ecclesiis habetur hic sermo: vis tamen verbi eadem videtur esse in eo quod "sepultus" dicitur.'

54. 54

    Here Venantius adheres to the old Aquileian form, while in the first and second articles he uses the accusative. So also in his Commentaries: ' Ergo una divinitas in trinitate, quia dixit Symbolum; Credo in Deum Patrem, et in Jesum Christum, et in Spiritu Sancto. ' See Hahn, p. 36; Heurtley, p. 55.

55. 55

    The exceptional hujus is thus explained by Rufinus (§ 43): ' Ita fit ut unicuique animæ non confusum aut extremeum corpus, sed unum quod habuerat reparetur; ut consequenter possit pro agonibus præsentis vitæ cum anima sua caro vel pudica coronari, vel impudica puniri. '

56. 56

    See the History, pp. 24 sqq. The Greek text is found in the Acts of the First Council of Constantinople in Mansi, Conc. Tom. III. p. 565, and twice in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Act. II. Tom. VI. p. 957, and Act. V. Tom. VII. p. 111; also in the Acts of the Third Constantinop. Counc., Act. XVIII. Tom. XI. p. 633. See Hahn, p. 111, and Hort, pp.73 sqq.

57. 57

    The Latin text is chiefly from the Canones Concilii Constantinop. ex interpr. Dionysii Exig. in Mansi, Tom. III. p. 567 sq. For the different readings, see Walch, pp. 94-103, and Hahn, pp. 112-116, who compared with it the translations in the Codex Canonum et Constitutorum Eccl. Rom. in Opp. Leonis Magni, ed. Quesnel, Tom. II. p. 56; in the Sacramentarium Gelasianum, as given by Muratori, Liturg. Rom. vet. Tom. I. p. 541, and Assemani, Codex liturg. univ. Tom. I. p. 11; the old transl. of the Canones Conc. Const. by Isidorus Mercator in Mansi, Tom. III. p. 574; Acta Conc. Toletani, of the year 589, given by Mansi, Tom. IX. pp. 977 sqq.; Etherii et Beati Adv. Elipandum, Lib. I. in Bibl. P. P. Lugd. Tom. XIII. p. 363; Acta Concilii Chalced. Act. II. in Mansi, Tom. VI. p. 958, and Act. V. in Mansi, Tom. VII. p. 111; Codex Reg. Armamentarii Paris., published by Ferd. Flor. Fleck, in his Anecdota (Leipz. 1837), pp. 347 sqq. All the early and authentic Latin editions omit the Filioque, like the Greek, except Assemani's (a convert to Romanism), who inserts, on his own authority, kai tou huiou . A Syriac version is given by Caspari, l.c. Vol. I. p. 103.

58. 58

    Mansi gives three readings: to kur. to zoop. , to kur. kai zoop. , and to kur. kai to zoop . See the critical note of Dr. Hort, p. 81.

59. 59

    The Latin text is from the Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, third session, held Feb. 4, 1546, when the Nicene Creed was solemnly professed by this Synod as the ' symbolum fidei, quo sancta Romana ecclesia utitur, tanquam principium illud, in quo omnes, qui fidem Christi profitentur, necessario conveniunt, ac fundamentum firmum et unicum, contra quod portæ inferi nunquam prævalebunt. ' The same text is incorporated in the Profession of the Tridentine Faith. The punctuation varies in different editions.

60. 60

    From the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, with which the text in other Protestant liturgies agrees, with slight variations. The Lutheran symbols substitute, in the article on the Church, the term christliche (Christian) for Catholic. Luther did the same in his German version of the Apostles' Creed; unwisely leaving the Romanists to monopolize the name Catholic.

61. 61

    The Greek text after Eusebius, in his Epist. ad Cæsareenses (as preserved by Athanasius), and the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, which indorsed both the original and the enlarged form of the Nicene Creed. See Vol. I. p. 28, note 3. The variations are carefully given by Walch, pp. 87 sqq., and Hahn, pp. 105-107. For a Syriac version, see Caspari, Vol. I. p. 100. Dr. Hort (Dissertations, p. 54) ingeniously but artificially connects monogene with theon ( tout' estin ek tes ousias tou patros being parenthetical), and thus derives from the Nicene Creed a traditional support for the famous reading monogenes theos , instead of the received text monogenes huios , John i. 18.

62. 62

    The Latin form from Hilarius (Bishop of Poitiers, called the Athanasius of the West; died 368): De Synodis sive de fide Orientalium, § 84, Opp. ed. Constant. Veron. Tom. II. p. 510, and Fragm. II. ex opere historico, § 27, l.c. p. 643. Walch (pp. 80-92) gives also other Latin versions from Lucifer, Rufinus, Leo M., Marius Mercator, etc., and Hahn (pp. 108—110) notes the principal variations.

63. 63

    The received text, as sanctioned by the Fourth, or previously by the Second OEcumenical Council, omits the words tout' estin ek tes ousias tou patros and theon ek theou , and the concluding anathema, but adds the important clauses after the Holy Spirit.

64. 64

    The received text, as sanctioned by the Fourth, or previously by the Second OEcumenical Council, omits the words tout' estin ek tes ousias tou patros and theon ek theou , and the concluding anathema, but adds the important clauses after the Holy Spirit.

65. 65

    Against Apollinaris, who denied that Christ had a psuche logike , anima rationalis , or nous, pneuma , and who reduced the Incarnation to the assumption of a human body ( soma ) with an animal soul ( psuche alogos ), inhabited by the Divine Logos. But the rational spirit of man requires salvation as much as the body.

66. 66

    Homoousios , consubstantialis (al. coessentialis ), is used in both clauses, though with a shade of difference. Christ's homoousia with the Father implies numerical unity, or identity of essence (God being one in being, or monoousios); Christ's homoousia with men means only generic unity, or equality of nature.

67. 67

    Homoousios , consubstantialis (al. coessentialis ), is used in both clauses, though with a shade of difference. Christ's homoousia with the Father implies numerical unity, or identity of essence (God being one in being, or monoousios); Christ's homoousia with men means only generic unity, or equality of nature.

68. 68

    The predicate theotokos , the Bringer-forth of God, Dei genitrix (al. quæ Deum peperit , or even divini numinis creatrix ), is directed against Nestorius, and was meant originally not so much to exalt the Virgin Mary, as to assert the true divinity of Christ and the realness of the Incarnation. Basil of Seleucia: Theon sarkothenta tekousa theotokos onomazetai. It is immediately after qualified by the phrase kata ten anthropoteta ( secundum humanitatem ), in distinction from kata ten theoteta ( secundum deitatem ). This is a very important limitation, and necessary to guard against Mariolatry, and the heathenish, blasphemous, and contradictory notion that the uncreated, eternal God can be born in time. Mary was the mother not merely of the human nature of Jesus of Nazareth, but of the theanthropic person of Jesus Christ; yet not of his eternal Godhead (the logos asarkos ), but of his incarnate person, or the Logos united to humanity (the logos ensarkos ). In like manner, the subject of the Passion was the theanthropic person; yet not according to his divine nature, which in itself is incapable of suffering, but according to his human nature, which was the organ of suffering. There is no doubt, however, that the unscriptural terms theotokos , Dei genitrix , Deipara , mater Dei , which remind one of the heathen mothers of gods, have greatly promoted Mariolatry, which aided in the defeat of Nestorius at the Council of Ephesus, 431. It is safer to adhere to the New Testament designation of Mary as meter Iesou , or meter tou Kuriou (Luke i. 43).

69. 69

    En duo phusesin , and all the Latin translations, in duabus naturis (only the Roman editors in the margin read ex d. n.), are directed against Eutyches. The present Greek text reads, it is true, ek duo phuseon , from two natures; but this signifies, and, according to the connection, can only signify, essentially the same thing; though, separately taken, it admits also of an Eutychian and Monophysite interpretation, namely, that Christ has arisen from the confluence of two natures, and since the act of the Incarnation, or unition of both, has only one nature. Understood in that sense, Dioscurus at the Council was very willing to accept the formula ek duo phuseon . But for this very reason the Orientals, and also the Roman delegates, protested with one voice against ek , and insisted upon another formula with en , which was adopted. Baur (Gesch. der Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, I. p. 820 sq.) and Dorner (Gesch. d. Lehre v. d. Person Christi, II. p. 129) assert that ek is the accurate and original expression, and is a concession to Monophysitism; that it also agrees better (?) with the verb gnorizein (to recognize by certain tokens); but that it was from the very beginning changed by the Occidentals into en . But, with Gieseler, Neander (iv. 988), Hefele (Conciliengesch. II. 451 sq.), Beck (Dogmengeschichte, p. 251), and Hahn (l.c. p. 118, note 6), we prefer the view that en duo phusesin was the original reading of the symbol, and that it was afterwards altered in the interest of Monophysitism. This is proved by the whole course of the proceedings at the fifth session of the Council of Chalcedon, where the expression ek duo phusesin was protested against, and is confirmed by the testimony of the Abbot Euthymius, a contemporary, and by that of Severus, Evagrius, and Leontius of Byzantium, as well as by the Latin translations. Severus, the Monophysite Patriarch of Antioch since 513, charges the Fathers of Chalcedon with the inexcusable crime of having taught en duo phusesin adiairetois gnorizesthai ton christon (see Mansi, Conc. VII. p. 839). Evagrius (H. E. II. c. 5) maintains that both formulas amount to essentially the same thing, and reciprocally condition each other. Dorner also affirms the same. His words are: 'The Latin formula has "to acknowledge Christ as Son in two natures;" the Greek has "to recognize Christ as Son from two natures," which is plainly the same thought. The Latin formula is only a free but essentially faithful translation, only that its coloring expresses somewhat more definitely still Christ's subsisting in two natures, and is therefore more literally conformable to the Roman type of doctrine' (l.c. II. 129). From my Church History, Vol. III. p. 745 sq.

70. 70

    asunchutos , inconfuse , and atreptos , immutabiliter (without confusion, without conversion or change), are directed against Eutychianism, which mixes and confounds the human and the divine natures in Christ ( sunchusis ), and teaches an absorption of the former into the latter; hence the phrases 'God is born; God suffered; God was crucified; God died.' The Monophysites (so called after the Council of Chalcedon) rejected the Eutychian theory of an absorption, but nevertheless taught only one composite nature of Christ ( mia phusis sunthetos ), making his humanity a mere accident of the immutable divine substance, and using the liturgical shibboleth 'God has been crucified' (without a qualifying 'according to the human nature,' or 'the flesh,' as the ( theotokos is qualified in the Symbol of Chalcedon). Hence they were also called Theopaschites. They divided into several sects and parties on subtle and idle questions, especially the question whether Christ's body before the resurrection was corruptible or incorruptible (hence the Phthartolaters, from phthartos and latres , and Aphthartodocetæ).

71. 71

    adiairetos , indivise , achoristos , inseparabiliter (without division, without separation), both in opposition to Nestorianism, which so emphasized the duality of natures, and the continued distinction between the human and the divine in Christ, as to lose sight of the unity of person, and to substitute for a real Incarnation a mere conjunction ( sunapheia ), a moral union or intimate friendship between the Divine Logos and the man Jesus. Hence, also, the opposition to the term theotokos , with which the Nestorian controversy began. With the Symbol of Chalcedon should be compared the semi-symbolical Epistola dogmatica of Pope Leo, I. to the Patriarch Flavian of Constantinople, which contains a lengthy and masterly exposition of the orthodox Christology against the heresy of Eutyches, and was read and approved by the Council of Chalcedon, as the voice of Peter speaking through 'the Archbishop of old Rome.' It is dated June 13, 449, and is found in the works of Leo M. (Ep. 24 in Quesnel's ed., Ep. 28 in the ed. Ballerini), in Mansi, Conc. Tom. V. pp. 1366-90 (Latin and Greek, with the different readings), Hardouin, Conc. Tom. II. pp. 290-300 (also Latin and Greek, but without the variations), Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, Vol. II. pp. 335-346 (German and Latin), partly also in Denzinger, Enchir. p. 43.

72. 72

    Against Apollinaris, who denied that Christ had a psuche logike , anima rationalis , or nous, pneuma , and who reduced the Incarnation to the assumption of a human body ( soma ) with an animal soul ( psuche alogos ), inhabited by the Divine Logos. But the rational spirit of man requires salvation as much as the body.

73. 73

    Homoousios , consubstantialis (al. coessentialis ), is used in both clauses, though with a shade of difference. Christ's homoousia with the Father implies numerical unity, or identity of essence (God being one in being, or monoousios); Christ's homoousia with men means only generic unity, or equality of nature.

74. 74

    The predicate theotokos , the Bringer-forth of God, Dei genitrix (al. quæ Deum peperit , or even divini numinis creatrix ), is directed against Nestorius, and was meant originally not so much to exalt the Virgin Mary, as to assert the true divinity of Christ and the realness of the Incarnation. Basil of Seleucia: Theon sarkothenta tekousa theotokos onomazetai. It is immediately after qualified by the phrase kata ten anthropoteta ( secundum humanitatem ), in distinction from kata ten theoteta ( secundum deitatem ). This is a very important limitation, and necessary to guard against Mariolatry, and the heathenish, blasphemous, and contradictory notion that the uncreated, eternal God can be born in time. Mary was the mother not merely of the human nature of Jesus of Nazareth, but of the theanthropic person of Jesus Christ; yet not of his eternal Godhead (the logos asarkos ), but of his incarnate person, or the Logos united to humanity (the logos ensarkos ). In like manner, the subject of the Passion was the theanthropic person; yet not according to his divine nature, which in itself is incapable of suffering, but according to his human nature, which was the organ of suffering. There is no doubt, however, that the unscriptural terms theotokos , Dei genitrix , Deipara , mater Dei , which remind one of the heathen mothers of gods, have greatly promoted Mariolatry, which aided in the defeat of Nestorius at the Council of Ephesus, 431. It is safer to adhere to the New Testament designation of Mary as meter Iesou , or meter tou Kuriou (Luke i. 43).

75. 75

    En duo phusesin , and all the Latin translations, in duabus naturis (only the Roman editors in the margin read ex d. n.), are directed against Eutyches. The present Greek text reads, it is true, ek duo phuseon , from two natures; but this signifies, and, according to the connection, can only signify, essentially the same thing; though, separately taken, it admits also of an Eutychian and Monophysite interpretation, namely, that Christ has arisen from the confluence of two natures, and since the act of the Incarnation, or unition of both, has only one nature. Understood in that sense, Dioscurus at the Council was very willing to accept the formula ek duo phuseon . But for this very reason the Orientals, and also the Roman delegates, protested with one voice against ek , and insisted upon another formula with en , which was adopted. Baur (Gesch. der Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, I. p. 820 sq.) and Dorner (Gesch. d. Lehre v. d. Person Christi, II. p. 129) assert that ek is the accurate and original expression, and is a concession to Monophysitism; that it also agrees better (?) with the verb gnorizein (to recognize by certain tokens); but that it was from the very beginning changed by the Occidentals into en . But, with Gieseler, Neander (iv. 988), Hefele (Conciliengesch. II. 451 sq.), Beck (Dogmengeschichte, p. 251), and Hahn (l.c. p. 118, note 6), we prefer the view that en duo phusesin was the original reading of the symbol, and that it was afterwards altered in the interest of Monophysitism. This is proved by the whole course of the proceedings at the fifth session of the Council of Chalcedon, where the expression ek duo phusesin was protested against, and is confirmed by the testimony of the Abbot Euthymius, a contemporary, and by that of Severus, Evagrius, and Leontius of Byzantium, as well as by the Latin translations. Severus, the Monophysite Patriarch of Antioch since 513, charges the Fathers of Chalcedon with the inexcusable crime of having taught en duo phusesin adiairetois gnorizesthai ton christon (see Mansi, Conc. VII. p. 839). Evagrius (H. E. II. c. 5) maintains that both formulas amount to essentially the same thing, and reciprocally condition each other. Dorner also affirms the same. His words are: 'The Latin formula has "to acknowledge Christ as Son in two natures;" the Greek has "to recognize Christ as Son from two natures," which is plainly the same thought. The Latin formula is only a free but essentially faithful translation, only that its coloring expresses somewhat more definitely still Christ's subsisting in two natures, and is therefore more literally conformable to the Roman type of doctrine' (l.c. II. 129). From my Church History, Vol. III. p. 745 sq.

76. 76

    asunchutos , inconfuse , and atreptos , immutabiliter (without confusion, without conversion or change), are directed against Eutychianism, which mixes and confounds the human and the divine natures in Christ ( sunchusis ), and teaches an absorption of the former into the latter; hence the phrases 'God is born; God suffered; God was crucified; God died.' The Monophysites (so called after the Council of Chalcedon) rejected the Eutychian theory of an absorption, but nevertheless taught only one composite nature of Christ ( mia phusis sunthetos ), making his humanity a mere accident of the immutable divine substance, and using the liturgical shibboleth 'God has been crucified' (without a qualifying 'according to the human nature,' or 'the flesh,' as the ( theotokos is qualified in the Symbol of Chalcedon). Hence they were also called Theopaschites. They divided into several sects and parties on subtle and idle questions, especially the question whether Christ's body before the resurrection was corruptible or incorruptible (hence the Phthartolaters, from phthartos and latres , and Aphthartodocetæ).

77. 77

    adiairetos , indivise , achoristos , inseparabiliter (without division, without separation), both in opposition to Nestorianism, which so emphasized the duality of natures, and the continued distinction between the human and the divine in Christ, as to lose sight of the unity of person, and to substitute for a real Incarnation a mere conjunction ( sunapheia ), a moral union or intimate friendship between the Divine Logos and the man Jesus. Hence, also, the opposition to the term theotokos , with which the Nestorian controversy began. With the Symbol of Chalcedon should be compared the semi-symbolical Epistola dogmatica of Pope Leo, I. to the Patriarch Flavian of Constantinople, which contains a lengthy and masterly exposition of the orthodox Christology against the heresy of Eutyches, and was read and approved by the Council of Chalcedon, as the voice of Peter speaking through 'the Archbishop of old Rome.' It is dated June 13, 449, and is found in the works of Leo M. (Ep. 24 in Quesnel's ed., Ep. 28 in the ed. Ballerini), in Mansi, Conc. Tom. V. pp. 1366-90 (Latin and Greek, with the different readings), Hardouin, Conc. Tom. II. pp. 290-300 (also Latin and Greek, but without the variations), Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, Vol. II. pp. 335-346 (German and Latin), partly also in Denzinger, Enchir. p. 43.

78. 78

    Swedenborg was willing to adopt the Athanasian Creed if a trinity of (the one Divine) person was substituted for a trinity of persons. According to him, the Father is the Essential Divinity, the Son the Divine Humanity, the Holy Spirit the Divine Proceeding or Operation.

79. 79

    See the Anathematismi Cyrilli in Mansi, Conc. Tom. IV. p. 1082 and Tom. V. pp. 85 sqq. (Greek and Latin, with the anatrope of Theodoret, and the apologia of Cyril), also in Denzinger's Enchiridion, pp. 27-31, and Gieseler's Church History, Vol. I. pp. 349 sqq. (Am. ed., only the Greek text). The ambitious, violent, and overbearing Cyril, who controlled the Synod, misrepresented his rival Patriarch of Constantinople, and leaned towards the opposite heresy of Eutychianism. Compare the refutation of Theodoret in Mansi, Tom. V. pp. 87 sqq., and my Church History, Vol. III. pp. 722-729. The OEcumenical Council of 431 was saved by its orthodoxy, otherwise it would have shared the disgrace of the infamous Robber Synod ( sunodos lestrike , latrocinium Ephesinum ), held at Ephesus a few years later (449) under the lead of Dioscurus (Cyril's successor), where passion, intrigue, and uncharitableness ruled supreme. Gregory of Nazianzum, who himself presided over the Second OEcumenical Council, drew a sad picture of the unchristian spirit which disgraced the synodical assemblies of his day. But the Third OEcumenical Council stands morally as well as doctrinally far below its two predecessors.

80. 80

    The Greek Acts of the Fifth Council, with the exception of the fourteen anathemas on the three Chapters, are lost; but a Latin translation, concerning whose genuineness and completeness there has been much controversy, is preserved. See Mansi, Conc. Tom. IX. pp. 163 sqq., especially pp. 538-582. Denzinger gives the Canones XIV. de tribus capitulis (Enchir. pp. 58-73), and also the fifteen Canons against the errors of Origen (pp. 73-80), but the latter belong to an earlier Constantinopolitan Synod, held A.D. 544. On the Three Chapter Controversy, see my Church History, Vol. III. pp. 768 sqq., and more fully, Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, Vol. II. pp. 775-899.

81. 81

    The aspasmos kai timetike proskunesis , osculum et honoraria adoratio , but not alethine latreia he prepei mone te theia phusei , vera latria, quæ solam divinam naturam decet. See the decree in Mansi, Conc. Tom. XIII. p. 378 sq. Also in Denzinger, Enchir. pp. 104, 105.

82. 82

    Ephes. vi. 12.

83. 83

    Ephes. vi. 16, 17.

84. 84

    Matt. xvi. 18.

85. 85

    Heb. xi. 6.

86. 86

    Ephes. iv. 14.

87. 87

    Heb. ii. 14.

88. 88

    Rom. v. 12.

89. 89

    1 Tim. ii. 5.

90. 90

    1 Cor. i. 30.

91. 91

    Acts iv. 2.

92. 92

    John i. 29.

93. 93

    Gal. iii. 27.

94. 94

    Acts ii. 38.

95. 95

    Rom. v. 12.

96. 96

    John iii. 5.

97. 97

    Rom. viii. 1; vi. 4

98. 98

    Ephes. iv. 22, 24.

99. 99

    Rom. viii.17.

100. 100

     2 Tim. ii. 5.

101. 101

     Rom. vi. 12; vii. 8.

102. 102

     [This indirect exemption of the immaculata Virgo Maria from original sin is a very near approach to the positive definition of the immaculata conceptio Virginis Mariæ in 1854.—P. S.]

103. 103

     Isa. lxiv. 6.

104. 104

     Ephes. ii. 3.

105. 105

     Rom. vi. 17, 20.

106. 106

     2Cor. i. 3.

107. 107

     Gal. iv. 4.

108. 108

     Gal. v. 4.

109. 109

     Rom. ix. 30.

110. 110

     Rom. iii. 25.

111. 111

     1 John ii. 2.

112. 112

     2 Cor. v. 15.

113. 113

     Coloss. i. 12-14.

114. 114

     Rom. viii. 15, 16, 23.

115. 115

     John iii. 5.

116. 116

     Zach. i. 3.

117. 117

     Lam. v. 21.

118. 118

     Rom. x. 17.

119. 119

     Rom. iii. 24.

120. 120

     Heb. xi. 6.

121. 121

     Matt. ii. 5.

122. 122

     Eccles. i. 27.

123. 123

     Acts ii. 38.

124. 124

     Matt. xxviii. 19.

125. 125

     1 Kings vii. 3.

126. 126

     Titus iii. 7

127. 127

     1 Cor. vi. 11

128. 128

     Ephes. i. 13, 14.

129. 129

     Ephes. ii. 4.

130. 130

     Heb. xi.

131. 131

     Ephes. iv. 23

132. 132

     1 Cor. xii. 2.

133. 133

     Rom. v. 5.

134. 134

     James ii. 20.

135. 135

     Gal. v. 6.

136. 136

     Matt. xix. 17.

137. 137

     Luke xv. 22.

138. 138

     Rom. iii. 4.

139. 139

     Heb. xi. 6.

140. 140

     Rom. xi. 6.

141. 141

     Ephes. ii. 19.

142. 142

     Psa. lxxxiii. 8.

143. 143

     2 Cor. iv. 16.

144. 144

     Col. iii. 5.

145. 145

     Rom. vi. 13, 19.

146. 146

     Apoc. xxii. 11.

147. 147

     Eccles. xviii. 22.

148. 148

     James ii. 24.

149. 149

     1 John v. 3.

150. 150

     Matt. xi. 30.

151. 151

     John xiv. 15.

152. 152

     Rom. vi. 18.

153. 153

     Titus ii. 12.

154. 154

     Rom. v. 2.

155. 155

     Rom. viii. 17.

156. 156

     Heb. v. 8, 9.

157. 157

     1 Cor. ix. 24, 26, 27.

158. 158

     2 Peter i. 10.

159. 159

     Psa. cxviii. 112.

160. 160

     Heb. xi. 26.

161. 161

     Matt. xxiv. 13.

162. 162

     Rom. xiv. 4.

163. 163

     Phil. i. 6; ii. 13.

164. 164

     1Cor. x. 12.

165. 165

     Phil. ii. 12.

166. 166

     1 Peter i. 3.

167. 167

     Rom. viii. 12, 13.

168. 168

     John xx. 22, 23.

169. 169

     Psa. l. 19.

170. 170

     Ephes. iv. 30.

171. 171

     1 Cor. iii. 17.

172. 172

     Apoc. ii. 5.

173. 173

     2 Cor. vii. 10.

174. 174

     Matt. iii. 2.

175. 175

     Rom. xvi. 18.

176. 176

     1 Cor. vi. 9, 10.

177. 177

     1 Cor. xv. 58.

178. 178

     Heb. vi. 10.

179. 179

     Heb. x. 35.

180. 180

     Matt. x. 22.

181. 181

     2 Tim. iv. 8.

182. 182

     John iv. 13, 14.

183. 183

     Rom. x. 3.

184. 184

     Matt. x. 42.

185. 185

     2 Cor. iv. 17.

186. 186

     James iii. 2.

187. 187

     1 Cor. iv. 3, 4.

188. 188

     1 Cor. iv. 6.

189. 189

     Matt. xvi. 27.

190. 190

     Rom. v. 5.

191. 191

     John iii. 5.

192. 192

     Gal. v. 3.

193. 193

     Psa. cx. 4.

194. 194

     1 Cor. xi. 26.

195. 195

     John vi. 58.

196. 196

     1 Cor. i. 10.

197. 197

     1 Cor. vi. 9.

198. 198

     Psa. xcvi. 7.

199. 199

     Matt. ii. 11.

200. 200

     Psa. cxi. 10.

201. 201

     1 Cor. xi. 29.

202. 202

     1 Cor. v. 28.

203. 203

     Gal. v. 6.

204. 204

     Matt. xxii. 11, 12.

205. 205

     Psa. cii. 14.

206. 206

     Ezek. xviii. 30.

207. 207

     Luke xiii. 5.

208. 208

     Acts ii. 38.

209. 209

     John xx. 23.

210. 210

     1 Cor. v. 12.

211. 211

     Gal. iii. 23.

212. 212

     Ezek. xviii. 31.

213. 213

     Psa. l. 6.

214. 214

     Psa. vi. 7.

215. 215

     Isa. xxxviii. 15.

216. 216

     Ephes. ii. 3.

217. 217

     Psa. xviii. 13.

218. 218

     Matt. xviii. 18.

219. 219

     John xx. 23.

220. 220

     2 Tim. iii. 5.

221. 221

     1 Cor. iii. 17.

222. 222

     Ephes. iv. 30.

223. 223

     Heb. x. 29.

224. 224

     Rom. ii. 4.

225. 225

     2 Cor. iii. 5.

226. 226

     Rom. viii. 17.

227. 227

     Matt. iii. 18.

228. 228

     Matt. xvi. 19.; John xx. 23.

229. 229

     1 Pet. v. 8.

230. 230

     James v. 14, 15.

231. 231

     Gen. iii. 15.

232. 232

     1 Tim. iv. 14.

233. 233

     John xx. 22, 23.

234. 234

     Isa. xxxviii. 15.

235. 235

     Matt. xviii. 15.

236. 236

     John xx. 23.

237. 237

     Isa. xi. 2.

238. 238

     1 Cor. iv. i.

239. 239

     1 Cor. xi. 34.

240. 240

     Heb. vii. 11, 18.

241. 241

     Heb. v. 10.

242. 242

     Heb. ix. 12.

243. 243

     Psa. cix. 4.

244. 244

     Luke xxii. 19.

245. 245

     Col. i. 13.

246. 246

     Mal. i. 11.

247. 247

     1 Cor. x. 20 sqq.

248. 248

     Heb. iv. 6.

249. 249

     John xix. 34.

250. 250

     Apoc. xvii. 15.

251. 251

     Lam. iv. 4.

252. 252

     Heb. vii. 12.

253. 253

     2 Tim. i. 6, 7.

254. 254

     Cant. vi. 3.

255. 255

     Ephes. vi. 11, 12.

256. 256

     Acts xx. 28.

257. 257

     John x. 1.

258. 258

     Gen. ii. 23, 24.

259. 259

     Matt. xix. 6.

260. 260

     Matt. xix. 6.

261. 261

     Ephes. v. 25, 32.

262. 262

     1 Cor. x. 13.

263. 263

     1 Tim. ii. 5.

264. 264

     1 Cor. iii. 6.

265. 265

     Psa. xcii. 5.

266. 266

     Bullarium Rom.: firmiter.

267. 267

     [Note.—As it was promulgated by Pius IX., Jan. 20, 1877—Acta sedis sanc. X., 382—and is now offered to Catholic priests and professors, Pius IV.'s Profession contains in article XI, after the words Tridentino synodo, the clause et ab oecumenico concilio Vaticano (tradita, definita et declarata) præsertim de Romani pontificis primatu ac infallibili magisterio. The insertion conforms to Pius IX.'s letter to a German bishop, Nov. 6, 1876, that it is altogether necessary that priests with full and unreserved assent of will accept the definition of papal infallibility unless they want to abandon the right faith, pleno et absoluto intellectus et voluntatis assensu definitionem complectantur, nisi a recta fide aberrare velint. In the same letter, Pius wrote that 'nothing could be more absurd than to think that the Holy Spirit would vouchsafe truths and that, at the same time, it might be inopportune to teach them.' The Profession is printed with the insertion in Benedict's Code of Canon Law.—Ed.]

268. 268

     Isaiah lix. 21.

269. 269

     Wisd. viii. 1.

270. 270

     Heb. iv. 13.

271. 271

     Rom. i. 20.

272. 272

     Heb. i. 1, 2.

273. 273

     1 Cor. ii. 9.

274. 274

     Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, Session the Fourth. Decree concerning the Canonical Scriptures.

275. 275

     Heb. i. 11.

276. 276

     Mark xvi. 20.

277. 277

     2 Peter i. 19.

278. 278

     Canons of the Second Council of Orange, confirmed by Pope Boniface II., A.D. 529, against the Semipelagians, Canon VII. See Denzinger's Enchiridion Symbolorum, p. 53 (Würzburg, 1865).

279. 279

     Isaiah xi. 12.

280. 280

     Heb. xii. 2, and x. 23.

281. 281

     John i. 17.

282. 282

     1 Cor. ii. 7-9.

283. 283

     Matt. xi. 25.

284. 284

     2 Cor. v. 7.

285. 285

     From the Bull of Pope Leo X., Apostolici regiminis, read in the Eighth Session of the Fifth Lateran Council, A.D. 1513. See Labbe's Councils, Vol. XIX. p. 842 (Venice, 1732).

286. 286

     Coloss. ii. 8.

287. 287

     Vincent. of Lerins, Common. n. 28.

288. 288

     John xvii. 21.

289. 289

     From Sermon IV. chap. ii. of St. Leo the Great, A.D. 440, Vol. I. p. 17 of edition of Ballerini, Venice, 1753; read in the eighth lection on the Feast of St. Peter's Chair at Antioch, February 22.

290. 290

     John i. 42.

291. 291

     Matt. xvi. 16-19.

292. 292

     John xxi. 15-17.

293. 293

     From the Acts (Session Third) of the Third General Council of Ephesus, A.D. 431, Labbe's Councils, Vol. III. p. 1154, Venice edition of 1728. See also letter of St. Peter Chrysologus to Eutyches, in life prefixed to his works, p. 13, Venice, 1750.

294. 294

     From Sermon III. chap. iii. of St. Leo the Great, Vol. I. p. 12.

295. 295

     From St. Irenæus against Heresies, Book III. cap. iii. p. 175, Benedictine edition, Venice, 1734; aad Acts of Synod of Aquileja, A.D. 381, Labbe's Councils, Vol.II. p. 1185, Venice, 1728.

296. 296

     From chap. iv. of Twenty-third Session of Council of Trent, 'Of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy.'

297. 297

     From the letters of St. Gregory the Great, Book VIII. 30, Vol. II. p. 919, Benedictine edition, Paris, 1705.

298. 298

     From a Brief of Pius VI. Super soliditate, of Nov. 28, 1786.

299. 299

     From the Acts of the Fourteenth General Council of Lyons, A.D. 1274 (Labbe's Councils, Vol. XIV. p. 512).

300. 300

     From Letter VIII. of Pope Nicholas I., A.D. 858, to the Emperor Michael (Labbe's Councils, Vol. IX. pp. 1339 and 1570).

301. 301

     Matt. xvi. 18.

302. 302

     From the Formula of St. Hormisdas, subscribed by the Fathers of the Eighth General Council (Fourth of Constantinople), A.D. 869 (Labbe's Councils, Vol. V. pp. 583, 622).

303. 303

     From the Acts of the Fourteenth General Council (Second of Lyons), A.D. 1274 (Labbe, Vol. XIV. p. 512).

304. 304

     From the Acts of the Seventeenth General Council of Florence, A.D. 1438 (Labbe, Vol. XVIII. p. 526).

305. 305

     John xxi. 15-17.

306. 306

     From a letter of St. Cyril of Alexandria to Pope St. Celestine I., A.D. 422 (Vol. VI. Part II. p. 36, Paris edition of 1638).

307. 307

     From a Rescript of St. Innocent I. to the Council of Milevis, A.D. 402 (Labbe, Vol. III. p. 47).

308. 308

     From a letter of St. Bernard to Pope Innocent II. A.D. 1130 (Epist. 191, Vol. IV. p. 433, Paris edition of 1742).

309. 309

     Luke xxii. 32. See also the Acts of the Sixth General Council, A.D. 680 (Labbe, Vol. VII. p. 659).

310. 310

     That is, in the words used by Pope Nicholas I., note 13, and in the Synod of Quedlinburg, A.D. 1085, 'It is allowed to none to revise its judgment, and to sit in judgment upon what it has judged' (Labbe, Vol. XII. p. 679).

311. 311

     Or hupokato.

312. 312

     The Greek and the German edition have the following addition: 'But those who freely accept the grace given them, who make good use of the means of grace granted unto them, and who walk in the appointed path of salvation, God has properly foreordained for salvation.'

313. 313

     [The German edition reads: Tägliches Brot, daily bread; the Greek, ho artos ho epiousios . On the different derivations and interpretations of epiousios , see a very learned and able essay by Prof. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., in an appendix to his work on a Fresh Revision of the English New Testament, 1872, Harper's ed. pp. 163-184.—ED.]

314. 314

     [In an incipient degree, in germ. The Greek ed. reads, esoterikos kai prokatarktikos ; the German, innerlich und anfänglich .—Ed.]

315. 315

     [Blackmore uses charity in conformity with the English Bible (1 Cor. xiii. etc.); but love is the more correct rendering of agape ( Liebe ), since it applies to God as well as man, while charity is now used in a more restricted sense.

316. 316

     [Greek: He koimesis . German: Der Tag der Entschlafung.—Ed.]

317. 317

     Greek: pneumatike hierosulia. German: Simonie.

318. 318

     Bericht über die am 14, 15, und 16 September zu Bonn gehaltenen Unions-Conferenzen, im Auftrage des Vorsitzenden Dr. Von Döllinger, herausgegeben von Dr. F. Heinrich Reusch, Prof. der Theologie. Bonn, 1874. Compare also several communications on the Conference in the Deutsche Merkur (the organ of the Old Catholics) for 1874, No. 38-40; in the Churchman of Hartford, Conn. Oct. 10, 1874; and the New York Observer, Oct. 8, 1874.

319. 319

     This article, which refers simply to an historical question, caused some discussion. Döllinger and Reinkens recognized the validity of the Anglican succession, to the gratification of the Anglican members of the Conference; but the Greek and Russian members expressed doubts, and withheld their consent till further investigation.

320. 320

     It is remarkable that on this article Döllinger and the Old Catholics were more decided in their opposition to the papal dogma of 1854 than Canon Liddon, of St. Paul's, who was willing to tolerate the Immaculate Conception as a 'pious opinion.'

321. 321

     [Lit., goes forth out of the Father. The N. T., in John xv. 26, uses para , from; the Nicene Creed, ek , out of, which, however, is implied in the compound verb ekporeuetai .]

322. 322

     De recta sententia , n. 1; Contra Manich. n. 4.

323. 323

     De recta sententia , n. 1; Contra Manich. n. 4.

324. 324

     De fide orthod. I. 8: ek tou Huiou de to Pneuma ou legomen, Pneuma de Huiou onomazomen.

325. 325

     De fide orthod. I. 8: ek tou Huiou de to Pneuma ou legomen, Pneuma de Huiou onomazomen.

326. 326

     De fide orthod. I. 12: to de Pneuma to hagion ekphantorike tou kruphiou tes theotetos dunamis tou Patros, ek Patros men di Huiou ekporeuomene. Ibidem: Huiou de Pneuma ouch hos ex autou, all' hos di autou ek tou Patros ekporeuomenon. C. Manich. n. 5: dia tou Logou autou ex autou to Pneuma autou ekporeuomenon. De hymno Trisag. n. 28: Pneuma to hagion ek tou Patros dia tou Huiou kai Logou prion. Hom. in Sabb. s. n. 4: tout' hemin esti to latreuomenon ... Pneuma hagion tou Theou kai Patros, hos ex autou ekporeuomenon, hoper kai tou Huiou legetai, hos di autou phaneroumenon kai te ktisei metadidomenon, all' ouk ex autou echon ten huparxin.

327. 327

     De fide orthod. I. 12: to de Pneuma to hagion ekphantorike tou kruphiou tes theotetos dunamis tou Patros, ek Patros men di Huiou ekporeuomene. Ibidem: Huiou de Pneuma ouch hos ex autou, all' hos di autou ek tou Patros ekporeuomenon. C. Manich. n. 5: dia tou Logou autou ex autou to Pneuma autou ekporeuomenon. De hymno Trisag. n. 28: Pneuma to hagion ek tou Patros dia tou Huiou kai Logou prion. Hom. in Sabb. s. n. 4: tout' hemin esti to latreuomenon ... Pneuma hagion tou Theou kai Patros, hos ex autou ekporeuomenon, hoper kai tou Huiou legetai, hos di autou phaneroumenon kai te ktisei metadidomenon, all' ouk ex autou echon ten huparxin.

328. 328

     De fide orthod. I. 13: eikon tou Patros ho Huios, kai tou Huiou to Pneuma.

329. 329

     De fide orthod. I. 7: tou Patros proerchomenen kai en to Logo anapauomenen kai autou ousan ekphantiken dunamin. Ibidem, I. 12: Pater ... dia Logou proboleus ekphantorikou Pneumatos.

330. 330

     De fide orthod. I. 13: eikon tou Patros ho Huios, kai tou Huiou to Pneuma.

331. 331

     De fide orthod. I. 7: tou Patros proerchomenen kai en to Logo anapauomenen kai autou ousan ekphantiken dunamin. Ibidem, I. 12: Pater ... dia Logou proboleus ekphantorikou Pneumatos.

332. 332

     De hymno Trisag. n. 28: to Pneuma enupostaton ekporeuma kai problema ek Patros men, Huiou de, kai me ex Huiou, hos Pneuma stomatos theou, Logou exangeltikon.

333. 333

     De hymno Trisag. n. 28: to Pneuma enupostaton ekporeuma kai problema ek Patros men, Huiou de, kai me ex Huiou, hos Pneuma stomatos theou, Logou exangeltikon.

334. 334

     De fide orthod. I. 13: meson tou agennetou kai gennetou kai di Huiou to Patri sunaptomenon.

335. 335

     De fide orthod. I. 13: meson tou agennetou kai gennetou kai di Huiou to Patri sunaptomenon.

336. 336

     Rom. xiii. 3.

337. 337

     Rom. xiii. 3.

338. 338

     Sap. (Wisd.) vi. 7.

339. 339

     Sap. (Wisd.) vi. 7.

340. 340

     Rom. xiii. 1.

341. 341

     Rom. xiii. 1.

342. 342

     Rom. xiii. 2.

343. 343

     Rom. xiii. 2.

344. 344

     John xx. 21.

345. 345

     Matt. xxviii. 20.

346. 346

     John xx. 21.

347. 347

     Matt. xxviii. 20.

348. 348

     John x. 10.

349. 349

     Mark xvi. 15.

350. 350

     John x. 10.

351. 351

     Mark xvi. 15.

352. 352

     Matt. xvi. 19.

353. 353

     John xxi. 16, 17.

354. 354

     Luke xxii 32.

355. 355

     Matt. xvi. 19.

356. 356

     John xxi. 16, 17.

357. 357

     Luke xxii 32.

358. 358

     Matt. xxviii. 18-20.

359. 359

     Matt. xviii. 17.

360. 360

     2 Cor. x. 6.

361. 361

     2 Cor. xiii. 10.

362. 362

     Matt. xxviii. 18-20.

363. 363

     Matt. xviii. 17.

364. 364

     2 Cor. x. 6.

365. 365

     2 Cor. xiii. 10.

366. 366

     Acts v. 29.

367. 367

     Acts v. 29.

368. 368

     Rom. xiii. 1.

369. 369

     Rom. xiii. 1.

370. 370

     [Comp. Matt. xxii. 21.]

371. 371

     [Comp. Matt. xxii. 21.]

372. 372

     Sacr. Imp. ad Cyrillum Alexandr. et Episcopos. metrop.—Conf. Labbeum Collect. Conc., T. iii.

373. 373

     Sacr. Imp. ad Cyrillum Alexandr. et Episcopos. metrop.—Conf. Labbeum Collect. Conc., T. iii.

374. 374

     De Moribus Cath., cap. xxx. n. 63.

375. 375

     De Moribus Cath., cap. xxx. n. 63.

376. 376

     Epist. cxxxviii (al. 5) ad Marcellinum, cap. ii. n. 51.

377. 377

     Epist. cxxxviii (al. 5) ad Marcellinum, cap. ii. n. 51.

378. 378

     Ep. ccxxxviii.

379. 379

     Ep. ccxxxviii.

380. 380

     Earum nonnullas indicare sufficiat. Prop. XIX.—Ecclesia non est vera perfectaque societas plane libera, nec pollet suis propriis et constantibus juribus sibi a divino suo fundatore collatis, sed civilis potestatis est definire quæ sint Ecclesiæ jura ac limites, intra quos eadem jura exercere queat. Prop. XXXIX.—Reipublicæ status utpote omnium jurium origo et fons, jure quodam pollet nullis circumscripto limitibus. Prop. LV.—Ecclesia a statu, statusque ab Ecclesia sejungendus est. Prop. LXXIX.—... Falsum est, civilem cujusque cultus libertatem, itemque plenam potestatem omnibus attributam quaslibet opioniones cogitationesque palam publiceque manifestandi, conducere ad populorum mores animosque facilius corrumpendos, ac indifferentismi pestem propagandam.

381. 381

     Tract. xxvi., in Joan. n. 2.

382. 382

     Tract. xxvi., in Joan. n. 2.

383. 383

     Epist. cv. ad Donatistas. cap. ii. n. 9.

384. 384

     1 Peter ii. 16.

385. 385

     John viii. 34.

386. 386

     Epist. cv. ad Donatistas. cap. ii. n. 9.

387. 387

     1 Peter ii. 16.

388. 388

     John viii. 34.

389. 389

     John viii. 32.

390. 390

     John viii. 32.

391. 391

     Tertull. Apol. n. 17.

392. 392

     Tertull. Apol. n. 17.

393. 393

     Acts xx. 28.

394. 394

     Acts xx. 28.

395. 395

     " Perniciosa sententia de rationibus ecclesiæ a republica disparandis. "

396. 396

     Published in London, Burns & Oates, and in New York by the Cath. Pub. Society. The Latin text is printed in Acta Sanctæ Sedis, ed. by Pennachi and Piazzesi, vol. xx., Rom. (S. C. De Propaganda Fidei), pp. 593-613.