James – Jeberechiah

James

1. James, the son of Zebedee, one of the Twelve, the elder brother of John. Their father was a Galilsean fisherman, evidently in a thriving way, since he employed ‘hired servants’ (Mark 1:20). Their mother was Salome, and, since she was apparently a sister of the Virgin Mary (cf. Matthew 27:56 = Mark 15:40 with John 19:25). they were cousins of Jesus after the flesh. Like his brother, James worked with Zebedee in partnership with Simon and Andrew (Lk S’9), and he was busy with boat and nets when Jesus called him to leave all and follow Him (Matthew 48 = Mark 1:19, 20). His name is coupled with John’s in the lists of the Apostles (Matthew 10:2 Mark 3:17 = Luke 6:14). which means that, when the Twelve were sent out two by two to preach the Kingdom of God (Mark 6:7). they went- in company. And they seem to have been men of like spirit. They got from Jesus the same appellation, ‘the Sons of Thunder’ (seeBoANEROEs), and they stood, with Simon Peter, on terms of special intimacy with Him. James attained less distinction than his brother, but the reason is not that he had less devotion or aptitude, but that his life came to an untimely end. He was martyred by Herod Agrippa (Acts 12:2).

2. James, the son of Alphseus (probably identical with Clopas of John 9:25 RV), styled ‘the Little’ (not ‘the Less’), probably on account of the shortness of his stature, to distinguish him from the other Apostle James, the son of Zebedee. His mother was Mary, one of the devoted women who stood by the Cross and visited the Sepulchre. He had a brother Joses, who was apparently a believer. See Mark 15:40, John 9, Mark 16:1.

Tradition says that he had been a tax-gatherer, and it is very possible that hia father AlphEeus was the same person as Alphaeus the father of Levi the tax-gatherer (Rlk 2:14). afterwards Matthew the Apostle and Evangelist. If these identifications be admitted, that family was indeed highly favoured. It gave to the Kingdom of heaven a father, a mother, and three sons, of whom two were Apostles. -123

3. James, the Lord’s brother (see Brethren op the Lord). Like the rest of the Lord’s brethren, James did not believe in Him while He lived, but acknowledged His claims after the Resurrection. He was won to faith by a special manifestation of the risen Lord (1 Corinthians 15:7). Thereafter he rose to high eminence. He was the head of the Church at Jerusalem, and figures in that capacity on three occasions. (1) Three years after his conversion Paul went up to Jerusalem to interview Peter, and, though he stayed for fifteen days with him, he saw no one else except James (Galatians 1:18, 19). So soon did James’s authority rival Peter’s. (2) After an interval of fourteen years Paul went up again to Jerusalem(Gal 2:1–10). This was the occasion of the historic conference regarding the terms on which the Gentiles should be admitted into the Christian Church; and James acted as president, his decision being unanimously accepted (Acts 15:4–34). (3) James was the acknowledged head of the Church at Jerusalem, and when Paul returned from his third missionary journey he waited on him and made a report to him in presence of the elders (Acts 21:18, 19).

According to extra-canonical tradition, James was surnamed ‘the Just’; he was a Nazirite from his mother’s womb, abstaining from strong drink and animal food, and wearing linen; he was always kneeling in intercession for the people, so that his knees were callous hke a camel’s; he was cruelly martyred by the Scribes and Pharisees: they east him aown Irom the pinnacle of the Temple (cf . Matthew 4:5. Luke 4:9). and as the fall did not kill him, they stoned him, and he was finally despatched with a fuller’s club.

This James was the author of the NT Epistle which bears his name; and it is an indication of his character that he styles himself there (!’) not ‘the brother,’ but the ‘servant of the Lord Jesus Christ.’ See next article.

4. James, the father of the Apostle Judas (Lk B’S RV), otherwise unknown. The AV ‘Judas the brother of James’ is an impossible identification of the Apostle Judas with the author of the Epistle (Jude ‘).

David Smith.

Jahes, Epistle of

1. The author claims to be ‘James, a servant of God, and of the Lord Jesus Christ’ (1’). He is usually identified with the Lord’s brother the ‘bishop’ of Jerusalem, not a member of the Twelve, but an apostle in the wider sense (see James, 3). The name is common, and the writer adds no further note of identification. This fact makes for the authenticity of the address. If the Epistle had been pseudonymous, the writer would have defined the position of the James whose authority he wished to claim, and the same objection holds good against any theory of interpolation. Or again, if it had been written by a later James under his own name, he must have distinguished himself from his better known namesakes. The absence of description supports the common view of the authorship of the letter; it is a mark of modesty, the brother of the Lord not wishing to insist on his relationship after the fiesh; it also points to a consciousness of authority; the writer expected to be listened to, and knew that his mere name was a sufficient description of himself. So Jude writes merely as ‘the brother of James.’ It has indeed been doubted whether a Jew of his position could have written such good Greek as we find in this Epistle, but we know really very little of the scope of Jewish education; there was every opportunity for intercourse with Greeks in Gahlee, and a priori arguments of this nature can at most be only subsidiary. If indeed the late date, suggested by some, be adopted, the possibility of the brother of the Lord being the author is excluded, since he probably died in 62; otherwise there is nothing against the ordinary view. If that be rejected, the author is entirely unknown. More will be said in the rest of the article on the subject; but attention must be called to the remarkable coincidence in language between this Epistle and the speech of James in Acts 15.

2. Date, — The only indications of date are derived from indirect internal evidence, the interpretation of which depends on the view taken of the main problems raised by the Epistle. It is variously put, either as one of the earliest of NT writings (so Mayor and most English writers), or among the very latest (the general German opinion). The chief problem is the relationsships to other writings of the NT. The Epistle has striking resemblances to several books of the NT, and these resemblances admit of very various explanations.

(a) Most important is its relation to St Paul. It has points of contact with Romans: 1:22 4:11 and Romans 2:13 (hearers and doers of the law); I’-* and Romans 5 (the gradual work of temptation or tribulation) ; 4:11 and Ro 2:1 14:4 (the critic self-condemned); 1:21 4:1 and Romans 7:23 13:12; and the contrast between 2:21 and Romans 4:1 (the faith of Abraham). Putting the latter aside for the moment, it is hard to pronounce on the question of priority. Sanday-Headlam ( Romans, p. Ixxlx. ) see ‘no resemblance in style sufficient to prove literary connexion’; there are no parallels in order, and similarities of language can mostly be explained from OT and LXX. Mayor, on the other hand, supposes that St. Paul is working up hints received from James.

The main question turns upon the apparent opposition between James and Paul with regard to ‘faith and works.’ The chief passages are ch. 2, esp. vv. 17, 21 f., and Romans 3:28 4, Galatians 2:16. Both writers quote Genesis 15:6. and deal with the case of Abraham as typical, but they draw from it apparently opposite conclusions — St. James that a man is justified, as Abraham was, by works and not by faith alone; St. Paul that justification is not by works but by faith. We may say at once with regard to the doctrinal question that it is generally recognized that there is here no real contradiction between the two. The writers mean different things by ‘faith.’ St. James means a certain belief, mainly intellectual, in the one God (2:19). the fundamental creed of the Jew, to which a belief in Christ has been added. To St. Paul ‘faith’ is essentially ‘faith in Christ’ (Romans 3:22, 26 etc.). This faith has been in his own experience a tremendous overmastering force, bringing with it a convulsion of his whole nature; he has put on Christ, died with Him, and risen to a new life. Such an experience lies outside the experience of a St. James, a typically ‘good’ man, with a practical, matter of fact, and somewhat limited view of life. To him ‘conduct is three-fourths of life,’ and he claims rightly that men shall authenticate in practice their verbal professions. To a St. Paul, with an overwhelming experience working on a mystical temperament, such a demand is almost meaningless. To him faith is the new life in Christ, and of course it brings forth the fruits of the Spirit, if it exists at all; faith must always work by love (Galatians 5:6). He indeed guards himself carefully against any idea that belief in the sense of verbal confession or intellectual assent is enough in itself (Romans 2:6–20). and defines ‘the works’ which he disparages as ‘works of the law’ (S^"- ^s). Each writer, in fact, would agree with the doctrine of the other when he came to understand it, though St. James’s would appear to St. Paul as insufficient, and St. Paul’s to St. James as somewhat too profound and mystical (see Sanday-Headlam, Bomans, pp. 102 ft.).

It is unfortunately not so easy to explain the literary relation between the two. At first sight the points of contact are so striking that we are inclined to say that one must have seen the words of the other. Lightfoot, however, has shown (Galatians^, pp. 157 Cf.) that the history of Abraham, and in particular Genesis 15. figured frequently in Jewish theological discussions. The verse is quoted in 1 Maccabees 2:52, ten times by Philo, and in the Talmudic treatise Mechilta. But the antithesis between ‘faith and works’ seems to be essentially Christian; we cannot, therefore, on the ground of the Jewish use of Genesis 15, deny any relationship between the writings of the two Apostles. This much, at least, seems clear; St. James was not writing with Romans before him, and with the deliberate intention of contradicting St. Paul. His arguments, so regarded, are obviously inadequate, and make no attempt, even superficially, to meet St. Paul’s real position. It is, however, quite possible that he may have written as he did to correct not St. Paul himself, but misunderstandings of his teaching, wtiich no doubt easily arose (2 Peter 3:16). On the other hand, if with Mayor we adopt a very early date for the Epistle, St. Paul may equally well be combating exaggerations of his fellow-Apostle’s position, which indeed in itself must have appeared insufficient to him; we are reminded of the Judaizers ‘who came from James’ before the Council (Acts 15:24). St. Paul, according to this view, preserves all that is valuable in St. James by Ills insistence on life and conduct, while he supplements it with a profounder teaching, and guards against misinterpretations by a more careful definition of terms; e.g. in Galatians 2:16 (cf. James 2:24) he defines ‘works’ as ‘works of the law,’ and ‘faith’ as ‘faith in Jesus Christ.’ We must also bear in mind the possibility that the resemblance in language on this and other subjects may have been due to personal intercourse between the two (Galatians 1:19. Acts 15); in discussing these questions together they may well have come to use very similar terms and illustrations; and this possibility makes the question of priority in writing still more complicated. It is, then, very hard to pronounce with any certainty on the date of the Epistle from literary considerations. On the whole they make for an early date. Such a date is also suggested by the undeveloped theology (note the non-technical and unusual word for ‘begat’ in 1:18) and the general circumstances of the Epistle (see below); and the absence of any reference to the Gentile controversy may indicate a date before the Council of Acts 15, i.e. before 52 a.d.

(6) Again, the points of contact with 1 Peter (1:10 5:19; 1 Peter 1:24 4:8) and Hebrews (2; Hebrews 11:31). though striking, are inconclusive as to date. It is difficult to acquiesce in the view that James is ‘secondary’ throughout, and makes a general use of the Epp. of NT.

(c) It will be convenient to treat here the relation to the Gospels and particularly to the Sermon on the Mount, though this is still less decisive as to date. The variations are too strong to allow us to suppose a direct use of the Gospels; the sayings of Christ were long quoted in varying forms, and in 5:12 St. James has a remarkable agreement with Justin (Ap, i. 16), as against Matthew 5:37. The chief parallels are the condemnation of ‘hearers only’ (1. Matthew 7:26. John 13:17), of critics (4:11, Matthew 7:1–5). of worldliness (I" 2 etc.. Matthew 6:19, 24, Luke 6:24) the teaching about prayer (V etc., Matthew 7:7. Mark 11:23). poverty (2:5. Luke 6:20). humility (4:10. Matthew 23:12). the tree and its fruits (3:11, Matthew 7:16; see Salmon, Introd. to NT’ p. 455). This familiarity with our Lord’s language agrees well with the hypothesis that the author was one who had been brought up in the same home, and had often listened to His teaching, though not originally a disciple ; it can hardly, however, be said necessarily to imply such a close personal relationship.

3. The type of Christianity implied in the Epistle. — We are at once struck by the fact that the direct Christian references are very few. Christ is only twice mentioned by name (!’ 2:21) not a word is said of His death or resurrection. His example of patience (S’"- "; contrast 1 Peter 2:21). or of prayer (5; contrast Hebrews 5:7). Hence the suggestion has been maide by Spitta that we have really a Jewish document which has been adapted by a Christian writer, as happened, e.g., with 2 Esdras and the Didache. The answer is obvious, that no editor would have been satisfied with so slight a revision. We find, indeed, on looking closer, that the Christian element is greater than appears at first, and also that it is of such a nature that it cannot be regarded as interpolated. The parallels with our Lord’s teaching already noticed, could not be explained as due to independent borrowing from earlier Jewish sources, even on the very doubtful assumption that any such existed containing the substance of His teaching. Again, we find Christ mentioned (probably) in connexion with the Parousia (5:7, 8) [5:6, 11 are probably not references to the crucifixion, and ‘the Lord’ is not original in I’^J ; ‘beloved brethren’ (I"- " 2:5). the new birth (1). the Kingdom (2). the name which is blasphemed (2:7) and the royal law of liberty (l^s 2:8) are all predominantly Christian ideas. It cannot, however, be denied that the general tone of the Epistle is Judaic. The type of organization implied is primitive, and is described mainly in Jewish phraseology: synagogue (2:2). elders of the Church (S"), anointing with oil and the connexion of sin and sickness (ib.). Abraham is ‘our father’ (2). and God bears the OT title ‘Lord of Sabaoth’ (5:4) [only here in NT]. This tone, however, is in harmony with the traditional character of James (see James, 3), and with the address ‘to the twelve tribes which are of the Dispersion’ (!•), taken in its literal sense. St. James remained to the end of his life a strict Jew, noted for his devotion to the Law (Acts 15. 21:20). and in the Epistle the Law, though transformed, is to the writer almost a synonym for the Gospel. His argument as to the para^ mount importance of conduct is exactly suited to the atmosphere in which he lived, and of which he realized the dangers. The Rabbis could teach that ‘they cool the flames of Gehinnom for him who reads the Shema [Deuteronomy 6:4). and Justin {Dial. 141) bears witness to the claim of the Jews,’ that if they are sirmers and know God, the Lord will not impute to them sin.’ His protest is against a ceremonialism which neglects the weightier matters of the Law; ct. esp. 1:27. where ‘religion’ means religion on its outward side. His Epistle then is Judaic, because it shows us Christianity as it appeared to the ordinary Jewish Christian, to whom it was a something added to his old religion, not a revolutionary force altering its whole character, as it was to St. Paul. It seems to belong to the period described in the early chapters of the Acts, when the separation between Jews and Christians was not complete; we have already, on other grounds, seen that it seems to come before the Council. Salmon {IrUrod. to NT p. 456) points out that its attitude towards the rich agrees with what we know of Jewish society during this period, when the tyranny of the wealthy Sadducean party was at its height (cf. Jos. Ant. xx. viii. 8; ix. 2); there are still apparently local Jewish tribunals (2:6). The movement from city to city supposed in 4 may point to the frequent Jewish migrations for purposes of trade, and the authority which the writer exercises over the Diaspora may be paralleled by that which the Sanhedrin claimed outside Palestine. We may note that there are indications that the Epistle has in mind the needs and circumstances of special communities (2:1 ff. 4:1 5:13) it reads, too, not like a formal treatise, but as words of advice given in view of particular cases.

On the other hand, many Continental critics see in these conditions the description of a later age, when Christianity had had time to become formal and secularized, and moral degeneracy was covered by intellectual orthodoxy. The address is supposed to be a literary device, the Church being the true Israel of God, or to have in view scattered Essene conventicles. It is said that the absence of Christian doctrine shows that the Epistle was not written when it was in the process of formation, but at an altogether later period. This argument is not altogether easy to follow, and, as we have seen, the indications, though separately indecisive, yet all combine to point to an early date. Perhaps more may be said for the view that the Epistle incorporates Jewish fragments, e.g. in 3:1–18 4:11; the apostrophe of the rich who are outside the brotherhood is rather startling. We may indeed believe that the Epistle has not yet yielded its full secret. It cannot be denied that it omits much that we should expect to find in a Christian document of however early a date, and that its close is very abrupt. Of the theories, however, which have so far been advanced, the view that it is a primitive Christian writing at least presents the fewest difficulties, though it still leaves much unexplained.

4. Early quotations and canonicity. — The Epistle presents points of contact with Clement of Rome, Hermas, and probably with Irenaeus, but is first quoted as Scripture by Origen. Eusebius, though he quotes it himself without reserve, mentions the fact that few ‘old writers’ have done so (HE ii. 23), and classes it among the ‘disputed’ books of the Canon (iii. 25). It is not mentioned in the Muratorian Fragment, but is included in the Peshitta (the Syriac version), together with 1 Peter and 1 John of the Catholic Epistles. The evidence shows that it was acknowledged in the East earlier than in the West, possibly as being addressed to the Eastern (?) Dispersion, though its apparent use by Clem. Rom. and Hermas suggests that it may have been written in Rome. The scarcity of quotations from it and its comparative neglect may be due to its Jewish and non-doctrinal tone, as well as to the facts that it did not claim to be Apostolic and seemed to contradict St. Paul. Others before Luther may well have found it ‘an epistle of straw.’

5. Style and teaching. — As has been said, the tone of the Epistle is largely Judaic. In addition to the Jewish features already pointed out, we may note its insistence on righteousness, and its praise of wisdom and poverty, which are characteristic of Judaism at its best. Its Illustrations are drawn from the OT, and its style frequently recalls that of Proverbs, and the Prophets, particularly on its sterner side. The worldly are ‘adulteresses’ (4:4; cf. the OT conception of Israel as the bride of Jehovah, whether faithful or unfaithful), and the whole Epistle is full of warnings and denunciations;54 imperatives have been counted in twice as many verses. The quotations, however, are mainly from the LXX; ‘greeting’ (!■) is the LXX formula for the Heb. ‘peace,’ and occurs again in NT only in the letter of Acts 15:23. The points of contact with our Lord’s teaching have been already noticed; the Epistle follows Him also in its fondness for metaphors from nature (cf. the parables), and in the poetic element which appears continually; 1:17 is actually a hexameter, but it has not been recognized as a quotation. The style is vivid and abrupt, sometimes obscure, with a great variety of vocabulary; there are 70 words not found elsewhere in NT. There is no close connexion of ideas, or logical development of the subject; a word seems to suggest the following paragraph (e.g. ch. 1). Accordingly it is useless to attempt a summary of the Epistle. Its main purpose was to encourage endurance under persecution and oppression, together with consistency of life; and its leading ideas are the dangers of speech, of riches, of strife, and of worldliness, and the value of true faith, prayer, and wisdom. The Epistle is essentially ‘pragmatic’; i.e. it insists that the test of belief lies in ‘value for conduct.’ It does not, indeed, ignore the deeper side; it has its theology with its teaching about regeneration, faith, and prayer, but the writer’s main interest lies in ethics. The condition of the heathen world around made it necessary to insist on the value of a consistent life. That was Christianity; and neither doctrinal nor moral problems, as of the origin of evil, trouble him. The Epistle does not reach the heights of a St. Paul or a St. John, but it has its value. It presents, sharply and in emphasis, a side of Christianity which is always in danger of being forgotten, and the practical mind in particular will always feel the force of its practical message. C. W. Emmet.

James, Protevangeli

James, protevangeli im OF.— See Gospels [Apooktphal], § 5.

Jamin

1. A son of Simeon (Genesis 46:10. Exodus 6:15. Numbers 26:12, 1 Chronicles 4:24). The gentilic name Jaminites occurs in Numbers 26:12. 2. A Judahite (1 Chronicles 2:27). 3. A priest (? or Levite) who took part in the promulgating of the Law (Nehemiah 8:7; in 1 Esdras 9:48 ladinus).

Jamlech

A Simeonite chief (1 Chronicles 4:34).

Jahnia

Jahnia (1 Maccabees 4:15 5:58 lO" 15:40, 2 Maccabees 12:8, 9, 40). The later name of Jabneel (wh. see). The gentilic name Jamnites occurs in 2 Maccabees 12:9.

Janai

A Gadite chief (1 Chronicles 5:12).

Jangling

‘Jangling,’ says Chaucer in the Parson’s Tale, ‘is whan man speketh to moche before folk, and clappeth as a mille, and taketh no kepe what he seith.’ The word is used in 1 Timothy 1:6 ‘vain jangling’ (RV ‘vain talking’); and in the heading of 1 Timothy 6 ‘to avoid profane janglings,’ where it stands for ‘babblings’ in the text (1 Timothy 6:20).

Jan

Jan m. — A town in the mountains of Hebron, near Beth-tappuah (Joshua 15:53). The site is uncertain.

Jannai

An ancestor of Jesus (Luke 3:24).

Jannes and Jambres

In 2 Timothy 3:8 these names are given as those of Moses’ opponents; the Egyptian magicians of Exodus 7:11, 22 are doubtless referred to, though their names are not given in OT. They are traditional, and we find them in the Targumic literature (which, however, is late). Both there and in 2 Timothy 3:8 we find the various reading ‘Mambres’ (or ‘Mamre’). ‘Jannes’ is probably a corruption of ‘Johannes’ (John); ‘Jambres’ is almost certainly derived from a Semitic root meaning ‘to oppose’ (imperfect tense), the participle of which would give ‘Mambres.’ The names were even known to the heathen. Pliny the Elder (a.d. 23-79) mentions ‘Moses, Jamnes (or Jannes), and Jotapes (or Lotapes)’ as Jewish magicians (Hist. Nat. XXX. 1 ff.); thus ‘Jannes,’ at least, must have been a traditional name before the Christian era. Apuleius (c. A.D. 130) in his Apology speaks of Moses and Jannes as magicians; the Pythagorean Numenius(2nd cent, a.d.), according to Origen (c. Cds. iv. 51), related ‘the account respecting Moses and Jannes and Jambres,’ and Eusebius gives the words of Numenius (Prwp. Ev. ix. 8). In his Commentary on Matthew 27:8 (known only in a Latin translation), Origen says that St. Paul is quoting from a book called ‘Jannes and Mambres’ (sic). But Theodoret (Com. in loc.) declares that he is merely using the unwritten teaching of the Jews. Jannes and Jambres are also referred to in the Apocryphal Gospd of Nicodemus § 5 (4th or 5th cent, in its present form?), and in the Apostolic Constitutions, viii. 1 (c. a.d. 375). Later Jewish fancy ran wild on these names; according to some they were Balaam’s sons; according to others they were drowned in the Red Sea; or they were put to death, either for inciting Aaron to make the Golden Calf or at a later stage of the history. A. J. Maclean.

Janoah

1. A town in the northern mountains of Naphtali, near Kedesh (2 Kings 15:29). It is probably the modern Yanuh. 2. A place on the border of Ephraim (Joshua 16:6, 7) situated where the present YanUn now stands, with the supposed tomb of Nun.

Japheth

(Heb. Yepheth). !. One of the sons of Noah. The meaning of the name is quite uncertain. In Genesis 9:27 there is a play on the name — ‘May God make wide (yapht) for Yepheth [i.e. make room for him], that he may dwell in the tents of Shem.’ The peoples connected with Japheth (10:1–4) occupy the northern portion of the known world, and include the Madai (Medes) on the E. of Assyria, Javan (lonians, i.e. Greeks) on the W. coast and islands of Asia Minor, and Tarshish (Tartessus) on the W. coast of Spain. On the two traditions respecting the sons of Noah see Ham. 2. An unknown locality mentioned in Judith 2:25.

A. H. M’ Neile.

Japhia

1. King of Lachish, defeated and slain by Joshua (Joshua 10:3 ff.). 2. One of David’s sons born at Jerusalem (2 Samuel 5:1) 1 Chronicles 3:5–8 141-‘). 3. A town on the south border of Zebulun (Joshua 19:12) probably the modern Ydfa, near the foot of the Nazareth hills.

Japhlet

An Asherite family (1 Chronicles 7).

Japhletites

The name of an unidentified tribe mentioned in stating the boundaries of the children of Joseph (Joshua 16:3).

Jarah

A descendant of Saul, 1 Chronicles 9:42. In 8:36 he is called Jehoaddah,

Jareb

It is not safe to pronounce dogmatically on the text and meaning of Hosea 5 10:6. But our choice lies between two alternatives. If we adhere to the current text, we must regard Jareb (or Jarlb) as a sobriquet coined by Hosea to indicate the love of conflict which characterized the Assyrian king. Thus ‘King Jarib’=‘Klng Warrior,’ ‘King Striver,"’ King Combat,’ or the like; and the events referred to are those of B.C. 738 (see 2 Kings 15:19). Most of the ancient versions support this, as, e.g., LXX ‘King Jareim’; Symm. and Vulg. ‘King Avenger.’ If we divide the Hebrew consonants differently, We get ‘the great king,’ corresponding to the Assyr. sharru rabbu (cf. 2 Kings 18:19, 28, Isaiah 36:4). It has even been thought that this signification may be accepted without any textual change. In any case linguistic and historical evidence is against the idea that Jareb is the proper name of an Assyrian or an Egyptian monarch. Other, less probable, emendations are ‘king of Arabia,’ ‘king of Jathrib or of Aribi’ (both in N. Arabia). J. Taylor.

Jared

The father of Enoch (Genesis 5:15, 16, 1 "■ ‘<>, 1 Chronicles 1:2, Luke 3:37).

Jarha

An Egyptian slave who married the daughter of his master Sheshan (1 Chronicles 2:34 f.).

Jarib

1. The eponym of a Simeonite family (1 Chronicles 4:24 of Genesis 46:10. Exodus 6:15, Numbers 26:12). 2. One of the ‘chief men’ who were sent by Ezra to Casiphia in search of Levites (Ezra 8:16) called in 1 Esdras 8:44 Joribus. 3. A priest who had married a foreign wife (Ezra 10:18) called in 1 Esdras 9:19 Joribus.

Jardhoth

Jardhoth (1 Esdras 9:28) =Ezr 10:27 Jeremoth.

Jaruu'th

1. A royal city of the Canaanltes (Joshua 10:3 etc.), in the Shephelah, assigned to Judah (Joshua 15:35). It is probably identical with ‘Jermucha’ of the Onomasticon, 10 Roman miles from Eleutheropolis, on the Jerusalem road. This is now Khirbet YaTmUk, between Wady es-SarUr and Wady es-Sant, about 8 miles N. of Beit Jibrin. 2. A city in Issachar, allotted to the Gershonite Levites (Joshua 21:29, LXX B Remmath). It corresponds to Ramoth in 1 Chronicles 6:73. and Remeth appears in Joshua 19:21 among the cities of Issachar. Guthe suggests er-Rameh, about 11 miles S.W. of Jenln, but this is uncertain. W. Ewing.

Jaroah

A Gadite chief (1 Chronicles 5:14).

Jasaelus

Jasaelus (1 Esdras 9) =Ezr 10:29 Sheal.

Jashar, Book of

Jashar, book of (sSpfter ha-yashar, ‘Book of the Righteous One’). — An ancient book of national songs, which most likely contained both religious and secular songs describing great events in the history of the nation. In the OT there are two quotations from this book — (a) Joshua 10:12, 13; the original form must have been a poetical description of the battle of Gibeon, in which would have been included the old-world account of Jahweh casting down great stones from heaven upon Israel’s enemies. (6) 2 Samuel 1:19–27; in this case the quotation is a much longer one, consisting of David’s lamentation over Saul and Jonathan. In each case the Book of Jashar is referred to as well known; one might expect, therefore, that other quotations from it would be found in the O’T, and perhaps this is actually the case with, e.g., the Song of Deborah (Judges 5) and some other ancient pieces, which originally may have had a reference to their source in the title (.e.g. 1 Kings 8:12 f.).

W. O. E. Oesterley.

Jashen

The sons of Jashen are mentioned in the list of David’s heroes given in 2 Samuel 23:32. In the parallel list (1 Chronicles 11:34) they appear as the sons of Hashem, who is further described as the Gizonite (wh. see).

Jashobeam

One of David’s mighty men (1 Chronicles 11:11 12’ 27’). There is reason to believe that his real name was lshbosheth, i.e. Eshbaal (‘man of Baal’). Cl. Adino and JOSHEB-BASSHEBETH.

Jashub

1. Issachar’s fourth son (Numbers 26:24, 1 Chronicles 7:1; called in Genesis 46 lob; patron. Jashubites (Numbers 26:24). 2. A returned exile who married a foreigner (Ezra 10:29) called in-1 Esdras 9:30 Jasubus.

Jashubi-lehem

The eponym of a Judahite family (1 Chronicles 4:22). The text is manifestly corrupt.

Jason

This Greek name was adopted by many Jews whose Hebrew designation was Joshua (Jesus). 1. The son of Eleazar deputed to make a treaty with the Romans, and father of Antipater who was later sent on a similar errand, unless two different persons are meant (1 Maccabees 8:17 12:16 14:22). 2. Jason of Cyrene, an author, of whose history 2 Mac. (see 2:23, 26) is an epitome (written after B.C. 160). 3. Joshua the high priest, who ousted his brother Onias iii. from the office in b.c. 174 (2 Mac 4:7 ff.), but was himself driven out three years later, and died among the Lacedasmonians at Sparta (2 Maccabees 5:9 f.). 4. In Acts 17:6 ff. a Jason was St. Paul’s host at Thessalonica, from whom the politarchs took bail for his good behaviour, thus (as it seems) preventing St. Paul’s return to Macedonia for a long time (see art. Paul the Apostle, § 8). The Jason who sends* greetings from Corinth in Romans 16:21, a ‘kinsman’ of St. Paul (.i.e. a Jew), is probably the same man. A. J. Maclean.

Jasper

See Jewels AND Precious Stones, p. 467.

Jasubus

Jasubus (1 Esdras 9:30) =Ezr 10:29 Jashub.

Jathan

Son of Shemaiah ‘the great,’ and brother of Ananias the pretended father of Raphael (Tobit 5:13).

Jathniel

A Levitical family (1 Chronicles 26:2).

Jattir

A town of Judah in the southern, mountains, a Levitical city (Joshua 15:48 21:14, 1 Chronicles 6:42). It was one of the cities to whose elders David sent of the spoil from Ziklag (1 Samuel 30:27). Its site is the ruin ‘Attlr, N.E. of Beersheba, on a hill spur close to the southern desert.

JAVAN, the Heb. rendering of the Gr. laon, ‘Ionian, is a general term in the Bible for lonlans or Greeks; very similar forms of the name occur in the Assyrian and Egyptian inscriptions. In the genealogical table in Gn (lO*- ‘) and 1 Ch (!’■ ‘) Javan is described as a son of Japheth and the father of EUshah, Tarshish, Kittim, and Dodanim (or better, Rodanim, i.e. Rhodes) ; from the reference to Kittim (Kition) as his son, it is possible that the passage refers particularly to Cyprus. In Isaiah 66:19 Javan is included among the distant countries that will hear of Jahweh’s glory; in Joel 3:6 the sons of the Javanites are referred to as trading in Jewish captives with the Phoenicians and Philistines; in Ezekiel 27:13 Javan, with Tubal and Meshech, is described as trading with ‘Tyre in slaves and vessels of brass. In all three passages the references are to the Ionian colonies on the coast of Asia Minor. In Ezekiel 27:19 Javan appears a second time among the nations that traded with Tyre; clearly the lonians are not intended, and, unless the text is corrupt (as is very probable), the reference may be to an Arab tribe, or perhaps to a Greek colony in Arabia. In Daniel 8:21 10:20 11:2, where’ the king,’ ‘the prince,’ and ‘the kingdom’ of Javan are mentioned, the passages have reference to the Grjeco-Macedonian empire.

L. W. Kino.

Javelin

See Armour, Arms, § 1 (6).

Jazer

An Amorite town N. of Heshbon, taken by Israel (Numbers 21:32). allotted to Gad (Joshua 13:25 etc.), and fortified by it (Numbers 32:35). It lay in a district rich in vines (Isaiah 16:8 etc., Jeremiah 48:32). It is probably represented by Khirbei SSr, about 7 miles W. of ‘Amman, a mile E. of Wady Sir. Judas Maccabseus took the city, which was then in the hands of the Ammonites (1 Maccabees 5:9; Jos. Ant. XII. viii. 1). W. EwiNQ.

Jaziz

A Hagrite who was ‘over the flocks’ of king David (1 Chronicles 27:31).

Jealousy

The law of the ‘jealousy ordeal’ (in which a wife suspected of unfaithfulness had to prove her innocence by drinking the water of bitterness [‘holy water’ mixed with dust from the floor of the Tabernacle]) is found in Numbers 5:11–31. The conception of idolatry as adultery and of Jehovah as the Husband of Israel led the OT writers frequently to ‘speak of Him as a jealous God (Exodus 20:5. Deuteronomy 5:9. Joshua 24:19. i k 14. Psalms 78:58, Ezekiel 36:6. Nahum 1:2). ■This jealousy ia the indication of Jehovah’s desire to maintain the purity of the spiritual relation between Himself and His people. Extraordinary zeal for this same end is characteristic of the servants of Jehovah, and is sometimes called jealousy with them (2 Corinthians 11:2. Numbers 25:11, 13. 1 Kings 19:10). A few times the word is used in a bad sense (Romans 13:13, 1 Corinthians 3:3, 2 Corinthians 12:20, Galatians 5:20. 3:14, 16). D. A. Hayes.

Jeab

Jeab nVt, MOUNT.— Mentioned only in Joshua 15:10, where it is identified with Chesalon (wh. see).

Jeatherai

An ancestor of Asaph (1 Chronicles 6:21) called in v." Ethni.

Jeberechiah

The father of Zechariah, a friend of Isaiah (Isaiah 8:2).