M
Marriage (continued) – Matthew
Page 155 of 259
Marriage (continued)
9. The Teaching of KT. — (1) Marriage and celibacy. The prevalent Jewish conception was that marriage was the proper and honourable estate for all men. ‘Any Jew who has not a vrife is no man’ (Talmud). The Essene, on the other hand, avoided it as unclean and a degradation. Of this view there is no sign in NT (). Christ does, however, emphasize the propriety of the unmarried state in certain circumstances ( [7 Rev ). The views of St. Paul undoubtedly changed. In he regards marriage merely as a safeguard against Immorality. The subject is prominent in 1 Cor. In 7 lie prefers the unmarried state, allowing marriage for the same reason as in 1 Th. (, , ) He gives three reasons for his attitude, the one purely temporary, the others valid under certain conditions, (o) It is connected with the view he afterwards abandoned, of the nearness of the Parousia () ; there would be no need to provide for the continuance of the race, (ft) It was a time of ‘distress,’ i.e. hardship and persecution (). (c) Marriage brings distractions and cares (). The one-sidedness of this view may be corrected by his later teaching as to (2) the sanctity of the marriage state. The keynote is struck by our Lord’s action. The significance of the Cana miracle can hardly be exaggerated (). It corresponds with His teaching that marriage is a Divine institution (). So , , and the Pastoral Epp. assume the married state as normal in the Christian Church. It is raised to the highest pinnacle as the type of ‘the union betwixt Christ and His Church.’ This conception emphasizes both the honourableness of the estate and the heinousness of all sins against it; husband and wife are one flesh (; cf. ). (3) As regards relations between husband and wife, it cannot be said that St. Paul has entirely shaken himself free from the influences of his Jewish training (§ 6). The duty of the husband is love (), of the wife obedience and fear, or reverence (v. ), the husband being the head of the wife (. ) she is saved ‘through her childbearing’ (). The view of is similar. It adds the idea that each must help the other as ‘joint heirs of the grace of life,’ their common prayers being hindered by any misunderstanding. Whether the subordination of the wife can be maintained as ultimate may be questioned in view of such passages as .
10. Spiritual applications of the Marriage Figure. — In OT the god was regarded as baal, ‘husband’ or ‘owner,’ of his land, which was the ‘mother’ of its inhabitants. Hence ‘it lay very near to think of thegod as the husband of the worshipping nationality, or mother land’ (W. R. Smith, Prophets, 171); the idea was probably not peculiar to Israel. Its most striking development is found in Hosea. Led, as it seems, by the experience of his own married Mfe, he emphasizes the following points. (1) Israel’s idolatry is whoredom, adultery, the following of strange lovers (note the connexion of idolatry with literal fornication). (2) J" still loves her, as Hosea has loved his erring wife, and redeems her from slavery. (3) Hosea’s own unquenchable love is but a faint shadow of J"‘s. A similar idea is found in ; in spite of her unfaithfulness, Israel has not been irrevocably divorced (SO’). Cf. . , , Mai . The direct spiritual or mystical application of Ca. is now generally abandoned.
In NT, Christ is the bridegroom (. ). the Church His bride. His love is emphasized, as in OT (), and His bride too must be holy and without blemish (, ). In OT the stress is laid on the ingratitude and misery of sin as ‘adultery,’ in NT on the need of positive holiness and purity. develops the figure, the dazzling white of the bride’s array being contrasted with the harlot’s scarlet. In , she is further identified with the New Jerusalem, two OT figures being combined, as in 2 Esdras 7:26. For the coming of her Bridegroom she is now waiting (. cf. ), and the final joy is represented under the symbol of the marriage feast (, ).
11. A general survey of the marriage laws and customs of the Jews shows that they cannot be regarded as a peculiar creation, apart from those of other nations. As already appears, they possess a remarkable affinity to those of other branches of the Semitic race; we may add the striking parallels found in the Code of Hammurabi, e.g. with regard to betrothal, dowry, and divorce. Anthropological researches have disclosed a wide general resemblance to the customs of more distant races. They have also emphasized the relative purity of OT sexual morality; in this, as in other respects, the Jews had their message for the world. But, of course, we shall not expect to find there the Christian standard. ‘In the beginning’ represents not the historical fact, but the ideal purpose. is an allegory of what marriage was intended to be, and of what it was understood to be in the best thought of the nation. This ideal was, however, seldom realized. Hence we cannot apply the letter of the Bible, or go to it for detailed rules. Where its rules are not obviously unsuited to modern conditions, or below the Christian level, a strange uncertainty obscures their exact interpretation, e.g. with regard to the prohibited degrees, divorce, or ‘the husband of one wife’; there is even no direct condemnation of polygamy. On the other hand, the principle as expanded in NT is clear. It is the duty of the Christian to keep it steadily before him as the ideal of his own life. How far that ideal can be embodied in legislation and applied to the community as a whole must depend upon social conditions, and the general moral environment. C. W. Emmet.
Marsena
One of the seven princes who had the right of access to the royal presence ().
Marshal
1. For AV ‘scribe’ RV of has ‘marshal.’ It was the duty of this officer to muster the men available for a campaign. In later times he kept a register of their names (, , , where the same Heb. word is used; see also 1 Maccabees 5:42). The staff (not ‘pen’) in his hand was an emblem of authority (; cf. ). 2. The Heb. tiphsar is identified with the Assyx. dupsarru, ‘tablet- writer,’ ‘scribe.’ In and it denotes a military officer of high rank (AV ‘captain,’ RV ‘marshal.’ [The alteration was not imperatively necessary]).
J. Taylob.
Mars' Hill
AV for Areopagus (wh. see).
Mart
See Market.
Martyr
See Witness. ,
Mary
The Gr. form of Heb. Minam.
1. Mary, mother of James and Joses, was one of the company of women who followed Jesus from Galilee, ministering unto Him, and who beheld from afar the crucifixion () she is spoken of as ‘the other Mary’ ( ), as ‘the mother of James the little and Joses’ (), as ‘Mary the [mother] of Joses’ (). and as ‘Mary the [mother] of James’ (, ). That she is identical with ‘Mary the [wife] of Clopas’ () is almost, though not absolutely, certain; the imcertainty arising from the fact that as ‘many women’ () were present, St. John may have mentioned a Mary who was distinct from the Mary mentioned as present by the Synoptists. It is very doubtful whether this ‘Mary o( Clopas’ was sister to the Virgin Mary. The words of St. John, ‘There were standing by the cross of Jesus his mother and his mother’s sister, Mary the wife of Clopas, and Mary Magdalene,’ are ambiguous; for He may have intended to name four women as present — the Virgin’s sister being one, and Mary of Clopas another — or only three, the Virgin’s sister being described as ‘Mary of Clopas.’ Certain decision on the point seems impossible. Cf . Beethren of the Lord, ad fin.
2. Mary, the sister of Martha, is mentioned thrice in the Gospels — (1) as sitting at the feet of Jesus, while her sister served () (2) as falling at His feet on His arrival to raise Lazarus from the grave () (3) as anointing His feet during the feast at Bethany before the Passion (, . ). The first and second of these occasions are dealt with in art. Uaktha, where the character of Mary is also treated of. It remains, therefore, for us only to consider the last.
The accounts of this incident as given in the first two Gospels and by St. John have been thought to disagree both as to where and when the feast was held. As regards the pl€u:e, the Fourth Gospel mentions Martha as serving, and it has therefore been assumed that the gathering was in her house — a fact held to be in contradiction to the statement of Mt. and Mk. that it took place in the house of Simon the leper. But even if St. John’s words do bear this meaning, there is not necessarily any disagreement, for her house might also be known as the house of Simon the leper. Her husband or her father may have been named Simon, and may have been a leper. In fact, we know far too little of the circumstances to be justified in charging the writers with inaccuracy. A careful study of St. John’s statement, however, seems to show that the gathering was not in Martha’s house; for the words ‘Jesus came to Bethany, where Lazarus was, whom Jesus raised from the dead. So they m^de a supper there; and Martha served,’ imply that the people of Bethany as a whole honoured our Lord, who had shown His power notably by raising their fellow-townsman, with a public feast. At such a feast Lazarus would be one of those that would sit at meat with Him, and Martha assuredly would serve. The reason why they selected the house known as that of Simon the leper cannot be determined; but it may have been simply because it was the most suitable building.
As regards the date of the feast, John distinctly places our Lord’s arrival as ‘six days before the passover,’ and implies that the feast was then held immediately. Mt. and Mk., however, first record the words of our Lord, in which He foretells His betrayal as about to occur ‘after two days,’ and (/ten add their account of the feast in Bethany. If the Fourth Gospel be taken as definitely fixing the date as six days before the Passover, then the Synoptists must have placed their account of the incident later than it reafiy happened. Probably this is what they did; and their reason for so doing is evidently to connect our Lord’s rebuke of Judas (, , ) with the traitor’s decision to betray Him. With this object in view they place the anointing by Mary immediately before the betrayal, introducing it with a vagueness of language which avoids any definite statement of time ( ‘Now when Jesus was in Bethany’; ‘And while he was in Bethany’). There is really no contradiction in the records, but rather a change in the order of events, of deliberate purpose, by Mt. and Mk. for the purpose of elucidating the treachery of Judas.
Mary’s act of devotion in anointing the head () and feet () of our Lord, and in wiping His feet with her hair, is in perfect keeping vrith her character as seen in and — as she sat at His feet as a disciple, and fell at Hie feet in grief, so now in humble adoration she anoints His feet with the precious ointment, and wipes them with the hair of her head. The act called forth the hypocritical indignation of Judas. But Jesus at once silenced him, accepting the anointing as for His burial, and predicting that wherever His Gospel should be preached, there should her deed of love be remembered.
This act of Mary bears a strong resemblance to that recorded in : and so similar is the general picture presented by the two narratives that many have thought them different accounts of the same event. The agreement between the narratives is strilring; in both are presented to us acts of love on the part of devoted women; in both the house is said to belong to a ‘Simon’; in both the depth of the devotion is shown by the feet being anointed, and being wiped with the loosened hair. On the other hand, however, many differences are to be noted. The hosts, though both named Simon, are distinct, the one being described as a Pharisee, the other as a leper; the scene is different, for in one case it is laid in Galilee, in the other in Judaea; the women are different, for one is Mary ‘whom Jesus loved,’ the other is an unnamed notorious sinner, such as we cannot suppose Mary ever to have been. The lessons drawn from the incidents by our Lord are different; in the one case He teaches love to God based on His f ormving mercy, in the other He foretells that the deed which Judas had described as ‘waste’ would for all time be an object of universal praise.
It must further be borne in mind that anointing was a usual courtesy; and that not unnaturally two deeply loving women would very probably at different times be impelled to show their devotion by humbly outpouring their precious gifts upon His sacred feet. Very possibly Mary never had heard of the poor sinful woman’s act, occurring as it did probably two years previously and many miles away in Galilee; but even if she had, why should she not act similarly when her heart impelled her to a Hke act of devotion?
3. Mary Magdalene, probably so called as belonging to Magdala (possibly el-Mejdel, 3 miles north-west of Tiberias), a place not mentioned In NT, as Magadan is the correct reading of . She is first mentioned in as one of the women who, having been ‘healed of evil spirits and infirmities, . . . ministered unto them (i.e. Jesus and the Apostles) of their substance.’ Seven demons had been cast out of her (cf. ) — a fact showing her aflBiction to have been of more than ordinary malignity (cf. , ).
An unfortunate tradition identifies her with the unnamed sinful woman who anointed our Lord () and she has been thus regarded as the typical reformed ‘fallen woman.’ But St. Luke, though he placed them consecutively in his narrative, did not identify them; and as possession did not necessarily presuppose moral failing in the victim’s character, we need not do so.
With the other women she accompanied Jesus on His last journey to Jerusalem; with them she beheld the crucifixion, at first ‘from afar,’ but afterwards standing by the Cross itself (, ) she followed the body to the burial (), and then returned to prepare spices, resting on the Sabbath. On the first day of the week, while it was yet dark, she visited the sepulchre ( ff.). Finding the grave empty, she assumed that the body had been removed, and that she was thus deprived of the opportimity of paying her last tribute of love. She ran at once to Peter and John and said, ‘They have taken away the Lord, and we know not where they have laid him.’ They all three returned to the tomb, she remaining after they had left. Weeping she looked into the sepulchre, and saw two angels guarding the spot where Jesus had lain. To their question, ‘Why weepest thou?’ she repeated the words she had said to Peter and John. Apparently feeling that someone was standing behind her, she turned, and saw Jesus, and mistook Him for the gardener. The utterance of her name from His lips awoke her to the truth. She cried, ‘Rabboni,’ (‘my Master’) — and would have clasped His feet. But Jesus forbade her, saying, ‘Touch me not; for I am not yet ascended unto the Father.’ She must no longer know Him ‘after the flesh’ (). but possess Him in spiritual commtmion. This, the first appearance of our Lord after His resurrection (). conferred a special honour on one whose life of loving ministry had proved the reality and depth of her devotion. She has been identified with Mary the sister of Lazarus, but without any grounds.
4. Mary the Virgin.— (l) Scripture data.— The NT gives but little information regarding her. In the Gospels she is directly mentioned only three times during Christ’s ministry (, , , f.), and indirectly twice (, ). Outside the Gospels she is mentioned only once ().
The Apocryphal Gospels are full of legendary stories connected with her childhood and after-life. In them we are told that she was miraculously granted to her aged and childless parents, Joachim and Anna; that at the age of three she was dedicated to God at the ‘Temple, where she remained until she was twelve; that during these years she increased in virtue, angels ministering unto her; that at twelve she was betrothed to Joseph, an aged widower, who was selected for her by a miraculous sign. "The visit of Gabriel, the journey to Bethlehem, and the Saviour’s birth in a cave are mentioned. It is added that at the moment of the birth of Jesus all nature was stilled; the fowls of the air stopped in their flight, men with uplifted arms drew them not down, dispersing sheep stood still, and kids with their Ups to the water refrained from drinking.
The legendary character of the apocryphal records renders them worthless as evidence of the events that centre round the birth of our Lord, and we are therefore confined to the opening chapters of the First and Third Gospels. It has been felt that more evidence than two Gospels can supply might reasonably be expected for such a transcendent miracle. But consideration will show that the evidence could not be essentially greater than it is. For from the nature of the case the circumstances would be known only to Mary and Joseph. Mary must have known; and Joseph must also have known, if he were to continue to act as protector of his espoused wife. Now, the First Gospel narrates the events of the miraculous birth from the point of view of Joseph; while the narrative of the Third Gospel, with its intimate knowledge of the events which it so calmly, delicately, and yet clearly, sets forth, must, in the first instance, have been obtained from the Virgin herself. St. Luke has been proved to be a writer of great historical accuracy, and we may be certain that he admitted nothing within his record of which he had not thoroughly tested the truth: and it is diflScult to believe that he would open his Gospel with a statement that he had accurately traced the course of the Gospel history from the first (), and then immediately proceed to insert untrustworthy information. Indeed, the wide-spread belief of the early Church in the Virgin -birth can be reasonably accounted for only by the occurrence of the fact itself. The date of St. Luke’s Gospel is too early to allow of ideas of a Virgin-birth to pass into the Church from Gentile Christians; while to Jewish Christians the whole idea would be alien. To the Jew maternity, not virginity, was praiseworthy, and to him the thought of Jehovah becoming incarnate would be incredible; in fact, the Virgin-birth, so far from being an invention of Jewish Christians, must have been a severe stumbling-block to them in accepting their new faith.
The angel Gabriel, when sent to announce to Mary that she was to be the mother of our Lord, greeted her with the words, ‘Hall, thou that art highly favoured,’ or ‘thou that art endued with grace’ (). (The Rhemish Version, following the Vulgate, renders ‘full of grace’; a translation correct enough if meaning ‘fully endowed with grace,’ but incorrect if meaning ‘fully bestowing grace’ — a rendering the Gr. word cannot bear.) With absolute submission she received the announcement, merely replying, ‘Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me according to thy word’ (). Soon she hastened to her ‘kinswoman’(v.") Elisabeth, who greeted her with inspired utterance () The Virgin then in reply uttered her noble hymn of exultation. The Magnificat is largely based on the song of Hannah (). Naturally at such a time of deep spiritual emotion she fell back on the OT Scriptures, which she had known since childhood. She remained with Ehsabeth until the birth of the Baptist, and then returned to Nazareth. Having accompanied Joseph on his journey to be enrolled at Bethlehem, she was there delivered of her Son. When the forty days of purification were ended, they brought the Child to Jerusalem’ to present him to thejLord,’ and to offer the necessary sacrifice. Being poor, they offered ‘a pair of turtle doves or two young pigeons’CEx ). Then wasit that Simeon took the Child in his arms, and, blessing God, uttered his Nunc LHmittis, and foretold to Mary that a sword would yet pierce through her soul: a prophecy fulfilled during the period of her Son’s ministry, and specially by His death. From the Temple they returned to Bethlehem, whence they fled to Egypt from the cruelty of Herod, on whose death they returned, and settled in Nazareth.
We next find the Virgin in Jerusalem, whither she had gone with Jesus, now aged twelve. When she discovered Him in the Temple she remonstrated, saying, ‘Thy father and I have sought thee . . .’ His reply, ‘I must be in my Father’s house’ (). shows that He had begun to feel, and expected His mother to realize, the gulf of Divine parentage that separated Him from all others. It taught her, perhaps for the first time, that her Son felt God to be in an especial sense His Father.
For the next eighteen years our Lord was subject to home-authority at Nazareth. During this time His mother lost the protection of Joseph; for, if he were alive, he certainly would have been mentioned in . . . Doubtless Joseph’s place in the home was filled in a measure by our Lord; and these must have been years of wonderful peace to the Virgin.
When, however, Jesus once entered upon His ministry, a time of real difficulty to her began. She, with the secret of His birth ever present, must have anticipated for Him a career of Messianic success; whereas He, with the knowledge of His Divine Sonship, was compelled to sever Himself once and for all from her control. We are not, then, surprised to find that each of the three recorded incidents which bring our Lord and the Virgin together during the years of ministry centre round the question of His absolute independence of her authority. Thus His first miracle () gave Him an occasion for definitely teaching her that she must no longer impress her will upon Him. His reply, ‘Woman, what have I to do with thee?’ has assuredly no roughness in it (see ) yet the fact that He does not address her as ‘mother’ can have but one meaning. Again, when the pressure of His ministry leads to His neglect of food. His friends said, ‘He is beside himself ().’ His friends’ were His mother and brethren () and when their message reached Him through the crowd He stretched forth His hand (), and said, ‘Behold my mother and brethren. For whosoever shall do the will of God, the same is my brother, and sister, and mother’ — words which amount to, ‘I, in working out the world’s redemption, can acknowledge only spiritual relationships.’ Similarly, as He hung on the Cross, and looked down upon His broken-hearted mother. He tenderly provided for her future, and entrusted her to the care of the Apostle of love. Still, even then He was unable to name her as His own mother, but gave her, in the person of St. John, the protection of a son. ‘Woman (not’ mother’), behold thy son.’ ‘Son, behold thy mother’ (, ). Exactly parallel to these is His answer to the exclamation of the unknown woman, ‘Blessed is the womb that bare thee’ — ‘Yea rather, blessed are they that hear the word of God and keep it’ ( f.).
It is, we think, impossible to exaggerate the bitter trial of these years to the Virgin Mary; but God’s grace kept her throughout submissive, patient, and trustful. And it is a happy thing that the last mention we have of her in the NT is when she is gathered with the infant Church after the Ascension praying in the upper room.
(2) Place of the Virgin in the Christian Church.—The position she ought to hold is clear from the NT, and has been well described as follows: ‘So far as St. Mary is portrayed to us in the Scripture she is, as we should have expected, the most tender, the most faithful, humble, patient, and loving woman, but a woman still.’ Certam sections of the Church, however, have not been satisfied with granting her this limited reverence, but have done her the questionable honour of claiming for her the worship of the Cnurch. Epiphanius (a.d. 370) mentions heretics, called Collyridians, who worshipped the Virgin, and he strongly reproves them. But before long the error found too ready a welcome within the Church, and a considerable, impulse was given to it at the time of the Nestorian Controversy(a.d. 431). In meeting the error of Nestorius the Church insisted that our Lord had, with His human and Divine natures, but one personality, and that Divine; and therefore it emphasized tne fact that He who was bom of the Virgin was very God. It thus became customary to give the Virgin the title Theotokos. This title seems to nave been specially chosen to emphasize the fact that, by being the mother of our Lord, she brought the incarnate God into life, and, at the same time, to avoid calling her ‘mother of God.’ This latter title would convey ideas of authority and right of control on the part of the parent, and of duty and obedience on the part of the child—ideas which were rightly felt to have no place in the relationship between Christ and His mother; therefore it was avoided. It would have been easy for the Church then to call her ‘mother of God,’ but it did not. Notwithstanding this cautious treatment, rmdue reverence towards her rapidly increased, and ‘mother of God’ became largely applied to her, and her worship gained much ground.
With the worship of the Virgin there gradually arose a belief m her sinXessness. The early Fathers, while claiming for her the perfection of womanhood, state distinctly their belief that she shared in man’s fallen nature and that she had committed actual sin. But Augustine, though not denying her participation in original sin, suggested her freedom through grace from actual transgression. Ultimately her freedom from all taint of sin, whether original or actual, was officially declared an article of faith in the Roman (Church by the dogma of the Immaculate Conception decreed by Pius IX . ( 1854) . Similar to this erroneous development was the growth of the belief in the miraculous translation of her body after death. The fanciful legends found in the Apocryphal Gospels regarding her death were readily seized upon as if supplying the requisite evidence;and in due course it became the authoritative doctrine of both the Roman and Greek Churches. The Festival of her Assumption is held on the 15th of August.
(3) The perpetual Virginity of Mary is a matter incapable of proof with the evidence available. With the Church of Rome and the Greek Church it is an essential dogma; but with the other branches of Christendom it is left undefined. In forming a decision on the point many feel the great weight of the undeniable sentiment of the Church for centuries, while others see in this very sentiment an unwholesome view, which overestimated the sanctity of virginity, and depreciated the sanctity of matrimony. From the NT we receive no certain guidance; for the ‘till’ of is undecisive, as its use shows (.e.g. , . , ). while ‘the brethren’ of our Lord may mean either the children of Joseph and Mary, or the children of Joseph by a former marriage, or even the cousins of Jesus. The first of these views is specially associated with the name of Helvidius, the second with that of Epiphanius, the third with that of Jerome. See Brethren of the Lord.
6. Mary, the mother o£ John mark(Ac l2i2). 6. Mary, saluted by St. Paul ().
Charles T. P. Griehson.
Maschil
See Psalms, p. 772’.
Mash
One of the sons of Aram, . The parallel passage, , gives Meshech (wh. see), as also does LXX in both passages. But this is wrong, as Meshech was Japhetic. Either Mons Massius is meant, or a region and people in the Syro- Arabian desert corresponding to the ‘desert of Mash’ of the Assyrian inscriptions. J. F. M’ CnRDT.
Mashal
Mashal (). See Mishal.
Masias
One of ‘Solomon’s servants’ (1 Esdras 6)) is absent from the parallel list in Ezra.
Mason
See Arts and Crafts, § 3.
Masrekah
Mentioned as the homeof an Edomite Idng, Samlah (Gu 36» = ). The locality has not been identified.
Massa
A son of Ishmael ( = ). representing a North Arabian tribe. Its exact location is unknown, but it seems to be mentioned in an inscription containing a report to king Ashurbanipal of Assyria (e.g. 668-626) of an attack made by the Massorites upon the people of Nebaloth (wh. see). The tribe of Massa would therefore seem to have lived not very far east of Palestine. This view is confirmed by the fact that is addressed to ‘Lemuel, king of Massa’ (see RVm), since and 31 belong to the border-land wisdom of Israel. It is probably not to be read in , where the word ‘Massa’ (RVm) is presumably a gloss. Cf. Mbsha, p. 607». J. F. M’ Curdy.
Massah and Meribah
(JE) tells of a miraculous gift of water at a spot near Horeb, which was called Massah and Meribah (‘testing’ and ‘contention ‘) because the people tested Jahweh by doubting His providence and contended with Moses. It is implied that this occurred about a year after the Exodus. . a later narrative (P), gives a similar account, but puts it thirty-seven years later, and with important variations. The scene is now laid at Eadesh, which receives the name Meribah from the contention of Israel with Jahweh. Moses and Aaron also sin against Him. There are references to the first passage in , ; and to the second in , ; in ps si’ the two are apparently confused. regards the events at Kadesh in a peculiar light: here Jahweh proves Levi at Massah and strives with (or for) him at Meribah. The tendency of recent criticism is to consider and as duplicate records of the same event, the locality of which must be fixed at Kadesh, where the spring ‘Ain Kadis creates a fertile oasis. There the tribes were blended into a strong unity. Meribah, on this interpretation, originally signified’ the place of judgment,’ because Moses delivered there his oracular sentences; cf. ‘waters of Meribah’ and ‘En-mishpat’ ().
Massah never stands alone, save at . As variants of ‘Meribah’ we find ‘waters of Meribah,’ • waters of Meribah -kadesh,’ and, at , ‘waters of Meriboth -kadesh,’ if the reading be correct. place Meribah on the southern border of the restored nation. It has been plausibly suggested that MeribBthkadesh is the correct reading instead of ‘ten thousands of holy ones’ in . J. Taylor.
Massias
Massias (1 Esdras 9:22) =Maaseiah .
Massorah, Massoretes
See Text of OT.
Master
The Greek word for teacher is tr. ‘master’ in 2 Maccabees 1:10. , and in all its occurrences in the Gospels except , where it is ‘doctor,’ and ‘teacher.’ See Lord and Slave.
Mastic
Mastic (tsori, RVm, EV ‘balm’ (wh. see), schinos, Sus "). — A dioecious shrub (the pistacia lentiscus L.), found in thickets on the Mediterranean seaboard. The gum obtained through cuttings in the bark is chewed as a dentifrice, and also for its pleasant taste and perfume. It is sometimes used as a flavouring by confectioners.
W. EWING.
Mathelas
Mathelas (1 Esdras 9:11) =Maaseiah, .
Matred
The mother-in-law (7) of Hadar (Gn.) or Hadad (Ch.), one of the kings of Edom, = . In Gn. the LXX and Pesh. make Matred the son not the daughter of Me-zahab (wh. see).
Matrites
A family of the tribe of Benjamin to which Saul belonged (). MATTAN,— 1. Priest of Baal (, ). 2. Father of Shephatiah, a contemporary of Jeremiah ().
Mattanah
A ‘station’ of the Israelites (Nu 2118. ig). No satisfactory identification has been made.
Mattaniah
1. The original name of king Zedekiah (). 2. An Asaphite (). leader of the Temple choir ( ), door-keeper (, ). 3. Mattaniah in should probably be identified with the preceding. 4. 6. 6. 7. Four of those who had married foreign wives, (called in 1 Esdras 9:27 Matthanias), v. 27) (called in 1 Esdras 9:28 Othonias), v. 30) (called in 1 Esdras 9:31 Matthanias) , v. 37) (combined in 1 Esdras 9 with the following Mattenai into Mamnitanemus). 8. A Levite who had charge of the offerings (). 9. A Hemanite(l Ch25’‘«). 10. An Asaphite ().
Mattatha
An ancestor of Jesus ().
Mattathias
1. A Jew, who had married a foreign wife (1 Esdras 9:33)) called in Mattattah. 2. One of the men who stood at the right hand of Ezra during the reading of the Law (1 Esdras 9:43) in Mattithiah. 3. The father of the five Maccabffian brothers (1 Mao , , f. "■ m- 2’- " 14). gee Maccabees, § 1. 4. A captain in the army of Jonathan the Maccabffian(l Mac ll’i). 5. A son of Simon the high priest, who was murdered, together with his father and brother Judas, at a banquet at Dok, by Ptolemy the son of Abubus (1 Maccabees 16:14–16). 6. One of three envoys sent by Nicanor to treat with Judas Maccabjeus (2 Maccabees 14:19). 7. 8. Two ancestors of Jesus ().
Mattattah
See Mattathias, No. 1.
Mattenai
1. 2. Two of those who had married foreign wives, (called in 1 Esdras 9:33 Maltamieus), V." (combined in 1 Esdras 9:34 with the preceding Mattaniah into Mamnitanemus). 3. Representative of the priestly house of Joiarib in the days of Joiakim ().
Matthan
Grandfather of Joseph () perhaps to be identified with Matthat, who occupies the same place in .
Matthanias
1. 1 Esdras 9:27 =Mattaniah, 2. 1 Esdras 9:31 =Mattaniah, .
Matthat
1. See MATTHAN. 2. Another ancestor of Jesus (, )
Matthew
(APOSTLE). Two sets of parallel passages, both from the Petrine tradition, tell us of this chosen companion of our Lord. The first (. , ) narrates his call. He was named both ‘Matthew’ (Mt.) and ‘Levi’ (Mk. [where some Western MSS read ‘James’] and Lk.), and was the son of Alphaeus (Mk.). (Lk.), and was ‘sitting at the place of toll’ (Mt., Mk., Lk.) near Capernaum, which lay on the road from Damascus to the Mediterranean; here he collected dues for Herod the tetrarch. No doubt he was only an agent, notone ofthe wealthy farmers of the taxes. Nevertheless he must have been fairly rich, and had much to give up in following Jesus. The call is followed by a meal (Mt., Mk.), a great feast given to Jesus by Matthew himself (Lk.), which roused the anger of the ‘scribes of the Pharisees.’ The name ‘Matthew’ probably means ‘Gift of Jahweh’ (cf. ‘Theodore’), and is another form of ‘Matthias’; though some take it as meaning ‘strong.’ ‘manly.’ It was doubtless given to Levi as an additional name, perhaps (like ‘Peter’) by our Lord Himself.
The second set of passages gives the list of the Twelve (, , , ). In afl these the surname’ Matthew’ is given, not ‘Levi,’ just as ‘Bartholomew’ and ‘Thomas’ are surnames; and in all four Bartholomew, Matthew, Thomas, and James the (son) of Alphffius are mentioned together, though not always in the same order. In two lists (Mt., Ac.) Matthew comes next to James (though they are not joined together as a pair) ; in the other two, next but one. If then we take the view that this James is neither the brother of our Lord, nor yet the same as James the Little (). and if we negative the idea that ‘Alphseus’ (Aram. Khalphai) and ‘Clopas’ are one name, there is perhaps something to be said for the opinion that Matthew and James were brothers. But they are not mentioned together elsewhere. Only in the Mt. list is the designation ‘the publican’ added. For Matthew’s connexion with the First Gospel, see the next article. We have no trustworthy information as to his later career.
A. J. Maclean.
James Hastings (ed.), with John A. Selbie and John C. Lambert, Dictionary of the Bible (Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1909). Public domain. Scan of Cornell University Library’s copy from the Internet Archive; text from its OCR, with the Bible references read again from the page images.