Abraham – Acrostic

Abraham

Abram and Abraham are the two forms in which the name of the flrst patriarch was handed down in Hebrew tradition. The change of name recorded in Genesis 17:5 (P) is a harmonistic theory, which involves an impossible etymology, and cannot be regarded as historical. Of Abraham no better explanation has been suggested than that it is possibly a dialectic or orthographic variation of Abram, which in the fuller forms Abiram and Aburamu is found as a personal name both in Heb. and Babylonian. The history of Abraham (Gn ll’‘-2S’*) consists of a number of legendary narratives, which have been somewhat loosely strung together into a semblance of biographical continuity. These narratives (with the exception of ch. 14, which is assigned to a special source) are apportioned by critics to the three main documents of Genesis, J, E, and P; and the analysis shows that the biographic arrangement is not due solely to the compiler of the Pent., but existed in the separate sources. In them we can recognize, amidst much diversity, the outlines of a fairly solid and consistent tradition, which may be assumed to have taken shape at different centres, such as the sanctuaries of Hebron and Beersheba.

1. The account of J opens with the Divine call to Abraham, in obedience to which he separates himself from his kindred and migrates to Canaan (12:1–8).

In the proper Jahwistic tradition the starting-point of the Exodus was Harran in Mesopotamia, but in ll^aff. (cf. 15:7) we find combined with this another view, according to which Abraham came from Ur of the Chaldees in S. Babylonia. In passing we may note the remarkable fact that both traditions alike connect the patriarch with famous centres of Babylonian moon-worship.

Arrived in Canaan, Abraham builds altars at Shechem, where he receives the flrst promise of the land, and Bethel, where the separation from Lot takes place; after which Abraham resumes his southern journey and takes up his abode at Hebron (ch. 13). This connexion is broken in 12:10–20 by the episode of Abraham’s sojourn in Egypt, which probably belongs to an older stratum of Jahwistic tradition representing him as leading a nomadic life in the Negeb. To the same cycle we may assign the story of Hagar’s flight and the prophecy regarding Ishmael, in ch. 16: here, too, the home of Abraham is apparently located in the Negeb. In ch. 18 we find Abraham at Hebron, where In a theophany he receives the promise of a son to be born to Sarah, and also an intimation of the doom impending over the guilty cities of the Plain. The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the deliverance of Lot, are graphically described in ch. 19, which closes with an account of the shameful origins of Moab and Ammon. Passing over some fragmentary notices in ch. 21, which have been amalgamated with the fuller narrative of E, we come to the last scene of J’s record, the mission of Abraham’s servant to seek a bride for Isaac, told with such dramatic power in ch. 24. It would seem that the death of Abraham, of which J’s account has nowhere been preserved, must have taken place before the servant returned. A note is appended in 25:1 ff. as to the descent of 16 Arabian tribes from Abraham and Keturah.

2. Of E’s narrative the first traces appear in ch. 1.5, a composite and difiicult chapter, whose kernel probably belongs rather to this document than to J. In its present form it narrates the renewal to Abraham of the two great promises on which his faith rested — the promise of a seed and of the land of Canaan — and the confirmation of the latter by an impressive ceremony in which God entered into a covenant with the patriarch. The main body of Elohistic tradition, however, is found in chs. 20-22. We have here a notice of Abraham’s arrival in the Negeb, followed by a sojourn in Gerar, where Sarah’s honour is compromised by the deliberate concealment of the fact that she is married (ch. 20) — a variant form of the Jahwistic legend of 12:10–20. ‘The expulsion of Hagar, recorded in 21:9–21. is an equally obvious parallel to J’s account of the flight of Hagar in ch. 16, although in E the incident follows, while in J it precedes, the births of both Ishmael and Isaac. The latter part of ch. 21 is occupied with the narrative of Abraham’s adventures in - the Negeb — especially his covenant with Abimelech of Gerar — which leads up to the consecration of the sanctuary of Beersheba to the worship of Jahweh. Here the narrative has been supplemented by extracts from a Jahwistic recension of the same tradition. To E, finally, we are indebted for the fascinating story of the sacrifice of Isaac in ch. 22, which may be fairly described as the gem of this collection.

3. In P, the biography of Abraham is mostly reduced to a chronological epitome, based on the narrative of J, and supplying some gaps left by the compiler in the older document. There are just two places where the meagre chronicle expands into elaborately circumstantial description. The first is the account, in ch. 17, of the institution of circumcision as the sign of the covenant between God and Abraham, round which are gathered all the promises which in the earlier documents are connected with various experiences in the patriarch’s lite. The second incident is the purchase of the cave of Machpelah after the death of Sarah, recorded at great length in ch. 23: this is peculiar to P, and was evidently of importance to that writer as a guarantee of Israel’s perpetual tenure of the land of Canaan.

4. Such is, in outline, the history of Abraham as transmitted through the recognized literary channels of the national tradition. We have yet to mention an episode, concerning which there is great diversity of opinion, — the story of Abraham’s victory over the four kings, and his interview with Melchizedek, in ch. 14. It is maintained by some that this chapter bears internal marks of authenticity not possessed by the rest of the Abrahamic tradition, and affords a firm foothold for the belief that Abraham is a historic personage of the 3rd millennium B.C., contemporary with Hammurabi (Amraphel?) of Babylon (c. 2300). Others take a diametrically opposite view, holding that it is a late Jewish romance, founded on imperfectly understood data derived from cuneiform sources. The arguments on either side cannot be given here: it must suffice to remark that, even if convincing proof of the historicity of ch. 14 could be produced, it would still be a question whether that judgment could be extended to the very different material of the undisputed Hebrew tradition. It is much more important to inquire what is the historical value of the tradition which lies immediately behind the more popular narratives in which the religious significance of Abraham’s character is expressed. That these are history in the strict sense of the word is a proposition to which no competent scholar would assent. They are legends which had circulated orally for an indefinite time, and had assumed varied forms, before they were collected and reduced to writing. The only question of practical moment is whether the legends have clustered round the name of a historic personality, the leader of an immigration of Arameean tribes into Palestine, and at the same time the recipient of a new revelation of God which prepared the way for the unique religious history and mission of Israel. It cannot be said that this view of Abraham has as yet obtained any direct confirmation from discoveries in Assyrioiogy or archaeology, though it is perhaps true that recent developments of these sciences render the conception more intelligible than it formerly was. And there is nothing, either in the tradition itself or in our knowledge of the background against which it is set, that is inconsistent with the supposition that to the extent just indicated the figure of Abraham is historical. If it be the essence of legend, as distinct from myth, that it originates in the impression made by a commanding personality on his contemporaries, we may well believe that the story of Abraham, bearing as it does the stamp of ethical character and individuality, is a true legend, and therefore has grown up around some nucleus of historic fact.

5. From the religious point of view, the life of Abraham has a surprising inner unity as a record of the progressive trial and strengthening of faith. It is a life of unclouded earthly prosperity, broken by no reverse of fortune; yet it is rooted in fellowship with the unseen. ‘He goes through life,’ it has been well said, ‘listening for the true ISra, which is not shut up in formal precepts, but revealed from time to time to the conscience; and this leaning upon God’s word is declared to be in Jahweh’s sight a proof of genuine righteousness.’ He is the Father of the faithful, and the Friend of God. And that inward attitude of spirit is reflected in a character of singular loftiness and magnanimity, an unworldly and disinterested disposition which reveals no moral struggle, but is nevertheless the fruit of habitual converse with God. The few narratives which present the patriarch in a less admirable light only throw into bolder relief those ideal features of character in virtue of which Abraham stands in the pages of Scripture as one of the noblest types of Hebrew piety.

J. Skinner.

Abraham's Bosom

It was natural for the Jews to represent Abraham as welcoming his righteous descendants to the bliss of heaven. It was, also, not unusual for them to represent the state of the righteous as a feast. In the parable of Luke 16:19 ff. Jesus uses these figures to represent the blessedness of the dead Lazarus. He was reclining at the feast next to Abraham (cf. Matthew 8:11). A Rabbi of the third century, Adda Bar Ahaba, uses precisely this expression as a synonym for entering Paradise. Other Jewish writings occasionally represent Abraham as in a way overseeing the entrance of souls into Paradise. ‘Abraham’s Bosom,’ therefore, may very fairly be said to be a synonym for Paradise, where the righteous dead live in eternal bliss. There is no clear evidence that the Jews of Jesus’ day believed in an intermediate state, and it is unsafe to see in the term any reference to such a belief. Shailer Mathews.

Abrech

A word of doubtful signification, tr. ‘Bow the knee,’ in AV and RV (Genesis 41 ‘then he made him [Joseph] to ride in the second chariot which he had; and they cried before him, Bow the knee; and he set him over all the land of Egypt’). The word should be either Hebrew or Egyptian. An Assyr. etymology has been proposed, viz. abarakku, the title of one of the highest officials in the Assyrian Empire, but no such borrowings from Assyria are known in Egypt. Hebrew affords no likely explanation. Egyptian hitherto has furnished two that are possible:

(1) ‘Praisel’ but the word is rare and doubtful; (2) abrak, apparently meaning ‘Attention!’ ‘Have a carer (Spiegelberg). The last seems the least improbable. F. Ll. Griffith.

Abronah

A station in the journeyings (Nu333* ■=‘) .

Absalom

(‘father is peace’). Third son of David, by Maacah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Samuel 3:3). His sister Tamar having been wronged by her half-brother Amnon, and David having failed to punish the criminal, Absalom assassinated Amnon and fled to Geshur, where he spent three years (ch. 13). Joab procured his recall, but he was not admitted into his father’s presence. In his usual imperious fashion he next compelled Joab to briBg about his full restoration ( 4). . ) . Then he assumed the position of heir-apparent (15:1; cf. 1 Samuel 8:11. 1 Kings 1:5). and began undermining the loyalty of the people. Four (not ‘forty’) years after his return he set up the standard of rebellion at Hebron, a town which was well-aflected towards him because it was his birthplace, and aggrieved against David because it was no longer the metropolis. The old king was taken by surprise, and fled to the east of the Jordan. On entering Jerusalem, Absalom publicly appropriated the royal harem, thus proclaiming the supersession of his father. By the insidious counsel of Hushai time was wasted in collecting a large army. But time was on David’s side. His veterans rallied round him; his seasoned captains were by his side. When Absalom offered battle, near Mahanaim, the king’s only anxiety^ was lest his son should be slain. This really happened, through Joab’s agency. The father’s natural, but unseasonable, lamentation was cut short by the soldier’s blunt remonstrance (2 Samuel 19:5 ff.). On the face of the history it is clear that, if Absalom lacked capacity, he possessed charm. His physical beauty contributed to this: 2 Samuel 14:25–27 is probably a gloss, but certainly rests on a reliable tradition; the polling of the hair was a religious act. According to 2 Samuel 18:18. Absalom had no son: this is more reliable than the statement in 2 Samuel 14:27. It is said that later generations, following Proverbs 10:7. always avoided the name Absalom, preferring tiie form Abishalom (which appears in 1 Kings 15:2, 10). J. Taylor.

Absalom

(IN Apocr.). 1. The father of Mattathias, one of the captains who stood by Jonathan at Hazor (1 Maccabees 11:70 = Jos. Ant. xiii. v. 7). It is perhaps the same Absalom whose son Jonathan was sent by Simon to secure Joppa (1 Mac. l3" = Jos. Ant. xm. vi. i). 2. An envoy sent by the jews to Lysias (2 Maccabees 11:17).

Abubus

Father of Ptolemy the murderer of Simon the Maccabee (1 Maccabees 16:11, 15).

Abyss

The Jewish eschatology of the time of Christ conceived of the abode of departed spirits as a great abyss, in the midst of which was a lake of fire, intended primarily as a place of punishment for the angels and giants, and accordingly tor sinners. The abyss existed before the creation, and was the home of the various enemies of God, such as the dragon and the beast. In the NT it is used only in Apocalypse (AV ‘bottomless pit’) and in Romans 10:7 and Luke 8:31 (AV ‘deep ‘).

Shailer Mathews.

Acacia

See Shittim Tree.

ACCABA, 1 Esdras 5:30, Ezra 2:46.

Acceptance

Acceptance denotes the being in favour with any one. In EV the noun is found only in Isaiah 60:7. but ‘accept’ and ‘acceptable’ are used frequently both in OT and NT to express the acceptance of one man with another (Genesis 32:20. Luke 4:24). but above all the acceptance of man with God. In OT the conditions of acceptance with God are sometimes ceremonial (Exodus 28:38. Psalms 20:3). But of themselves these are insufficient (Genesis 4:5, 7. Am S^^i Jer &‘" 14:10, 12), and only moral uprightness (Proverbs 21:3. Job 42:8) and the sacrifices of a sincere heart (Psalms 19:14 9; cf. 40:6 ff. 51:15 ff.) are recognized as truly acceptable with God. In NT the grounds of the Divine acceptance are never ceremonial, but always spiritual (Romans 12:1. ph 4:18. 1 Peter 2:5). Jesus Christ is the type of perfect acceptance (Mark 1:11)). Hebrews 10:5 ff.). In Him as’ the Beloved,’ and through Him as the Mediator, men secure their religious standing and fundamental acceptance with God (Ephesians 1:6). In serving Him (Romans 14:18), and following His example (1 Peter 2:20, 21), they become morally acceptable in the Father’s sight.

J. C. Lambert.

Access

(Gr. prosagSgl). The word occurs only in Romans 5:2, Ephesians 2:18 3:12. and the question (regarding which commentators are much divided) is whether it ought to be understood in the trans, sense as ‘introduction,’ the being brought near by another, or in the intrans. sense as ‘access’ or personal approach. The trans, sense is most in keeping with the ordinary use of the vb. prosagS in classical Gr. (cf. its use in 1 Peter 3:18 ‘that he might bring us to God’) — the idea suggested being that of a formal introduction into a royal presence. ‘Access,’ moreover, does not so well express the tact that we cannot approach God in our own right, but need Christ to introduce us; cf. ‘by [RV’ through’] whom’ (Romans 6:2). ‘through him’ (Ephesians 2:18). ‘in whom’ (3:12). The word ‘access’ does not occur in Hebrews, but the writer has much to say on the subject of our approach to God through Christ, esp. for the purpose of prayer (4:14 ff.) and worship (IQi’"‘)- J- C. Lambert.

Acco

Judges 1:31. See Ptolemais.

Accos

Accos (1 Maccabees 8:17). Grandfather of one of the envoys sent to Rome by Judas Maccabseus in B.C. 161. Accos represents the Heb. Hakkoz, the name of a priestly family (1 Chronicles 24:10. Ezra 2).

Accursed

See Ban.

Aceldama

See Akeldama.

Achaia

This name was originally applied to a strip of land on the N. coast of the Peloponnese. On annexing Greece and Macedonia as a province in b.c. 146, the Romans applied the name Achaia to the whole of that country. In b.c. 27 two provinces were formed, Macedonia and Achaia; and the latter included Thessaly, .ffitolia, Acarnania, and some part of Epirus, with Euboea and most of the Cyclades. It was governed In St. Paul’s time by a proconsul of the second grade, with headquarters at Corinth (Acts 18:12). ‘Hellas’ (Acts 20:2) is the native Greek name corresponding to the Roman ‘Achaia.’ There were Jewish settlements in this province, at Corinth, Athens, etc. (Acts 17:17 IS’- ‘), and the work of St. Paul began amongst them and was carried on by Apollos (1 and 2 Cor. passim, Acts 17:16 ff.

18. 19:1). A. SODTEE.

Achaicus

The name of a member of the Church at Corinth. He was with Stephanas and Fortunatua (1 Corinthians 16:17 f.) when they visited St. Paul at Ephesus and ‘refreshed his spirit.’ Nothing more is certainly known of him. As slaves were often named from the country of their birth, it is a probable conjecture that he was a slave, born in Achaia. J. G. Taskek.

Achan

Son of Carmi, of the tribe of Judah (Joshua 7:1). It is brought home to Joshua (Joshua 7:8–12) that the defeat at Ai was due to the fact of Jahweh’s covenant having been transgressed. An inquiry is instituted, and Achan is singled out as the transgressor. He confesses that after the capture of Jericho he had hidden part of the spoil, the whole of which had been placed under the ban (cherem), i.e. devoted to Jahweh, and was therefore unlawful for man to touch. According to the usage of the times, both he and his family are stoned, and their dead bodies burned — the latter an even more terrible punishment in the eyes of ancient Israel. The sentence is carried out in the valley of Achor (‘troubling’). According to Joshua 7:25, 26. this valley was so called after Achan, the ‘troubler’ of Israel. Later his name was changed to Achar to correspond more closely with the name of the valley (1 Chronicles 2:7). W. O. E. Oesteelby.

Achar

See Achan.

Achbor

(‘mouse’ or ‘jerboa’). 1. An Edomite (Genesis 36:38). 2. A courtier under Josiah, son of Micaiah (2 Kings 22:12, 14). and father of Elnathan (Jeremiah 26:22 om. LXX, 36:12). Called Abdon (2 Chronicles 34:20).

ACHIACHARTJS, the nephew of Tobit, was governor under Sarchedonus = Esarhaddon (Tobit 1:21 etc.). The nearest Hebrew name is Ahihud (1 Chronicles 8:7).

Achias

An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esdras 1:2), omitted in Ezr. and 1 Es.

Achim

Achim (perhaps a shortened form of Jehoiachim), an ancestor of our Lord (Matthew 1:14).

Achior

(‘brother of light’). A general of the Ammonites(Jtli 5’ etc.), afterwards converted to Judaism (ch. 14).

Achifha

Achifha (1 Esdras 5). His children were among the ‘temple servants’ or Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel; called Hakupha, Ezra 2:51. Nehemiah 7.

ACmSH.— The king of Gath to whom David fled for refuge after the massacre of the priests at Nob (1 Samuel 21:10). In 1 Samuel 27:2 he is called ‘the son of Maoch’ (possibly = ‘son of Maacah,’ 1 Kings 2:39). He received David with his band of 600 men, and assigned him the city of Ziklag in the S. of Judah. Despite the wishes of Achish, the other Phil, princes refused to let David take part in the final campaign against Saul. [‘Achish’ should be read for ‘Abimelech’ in Psalms 34 (title).]

Achmetha

The Ecbatana of the Greeks and Romans, modern Hamadan. It was the capital of Media (in Old Persian Haghmatana). It is mentioned but once in the canonical books (Ezra 6:2), as the place where the archives of the reign of Cyrus were deposited. It is several times mentioned in the Apocrypha (2 Maccabees 9. Tobit 3:7 6:7 14:13 f.: Judith 1). J. F. McCuEDY.

ACHOR C emeq’ akhBr, ‘Vale of Grief ‘).— Here Achan (wh. see), with his family, was stoned to death. It lay on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin (Joshua 15:7 etc.). Guthe identifies it with the plain south of Jericho, between the mountains on the west, and Jordan and the Dead Sea on the east. Wady Kelt, a tremendous gorge which breaks down from th^‘ijipuntain W. of Jericho, probably formed the boundary between Judah and Benjamin. In the mouth of this valley, it seems likely, the execution took place. W. Ewing.

Achsah

(1 Chronicles 2:49. AV Achsa). The daughter of Caleb. Her father promised her in marriage to the man who should capture Debir or Kiriath-sepher — a feat accomplished by Othniel, the brother of Caleb. Her dowry of a south land (Negeb) was increased by the grant of ‘the upper springs and the nether springs’ (Joshua 15:16–19. Jg l?-i5).

Achshaph

About 17 miles E. of Tyre, now called Iksaf or Kesaf, on N.E. border of territory assigned to Asher (Joshua 19:25). Its king joined Jabin’s confederacy, which was defeated by Joshua, and the ruler of Achshaph was amongst the slain (Joshua 11:1 12:20). J. Tayloe.

Achzib

1. A town in Asher (Joshua 19:29). from which the natives could not be dislodged (Judges 1:31) it lay on the coast between Acre and Tyre. The early geographers called it Ekdippa; now ez-Zib. 2. In the S. of the Shephelah (Joshua 16). near Mareshah. Micah 1:14 predicts that Achzib shall be to the kings of Judah achzab (‘deceptive’), a stream whose’ waters fail when most needed (cf. Jeremiah 15:18). J. Tayloe.

Acra

See Jerusalem, I. 3, II. 2.

Acre

See Weights and Measures.

Acrostic

Acrostic poems, i.e. poems in which initial letters recurring at regular intervals follow some definite arrangement, occur to the number of 14 in the OT; another instance is Sirach 51:13–30. All these are of a simple type, and are so planned that the initials recurring at fixed intervals follow the order of the Hebrew alphabet; thus the first section of the poem begins with the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, aleph; the second with the second letter, beth; and so on down to the twenty-second and last letter, taw. The interval between the several letters consists of a regular number of lines. In Pss 111. 112 this interval is one line; in Pss 25. 34. 145, Proverbs 31:10–31, Sirach 51:13–30. and in the fragment, which does not clearly extend beyond the thirteenth letter, contained in Nahum 1, the interval Isaiah 2 lines; in Lamentations 4 it is 2 longer lines, In chs. 1 and 2 it is 3 longer lines; in Pss 9 and 10 (a single continuous poem), and in Psalms 37, it is 4 lines. In Lamentations 3, where the interval between each successive letter o( the alphabet is 3 long lines, each of each set of three lines begins with the same letter; and similarly in Psalms 119, where the interval is 16 lines, each alternate line within each set of 16 begins with the same letter.

Certainly in Lamentations 2. 3 and 4, and, according to the order of the verses in theLXX, inPrSl .probablj^ also in Ps 34(where the sense seems to require the transposition of v. 16 and v. 15) and in Psalms 9, the sixteenth and seventeenth letters of the Hebrew alphabet occupy respectively the seventeenth and sixteenth places in the acrostic scheme. The reason for this is unknown.

Comparatively few of these poems have come down to us intact. They have suffered from accidental errors of textual transmission, and probably also from editorial alterations. In some cases an entire strophe has dropped out of the text; thus the sixth strophe (of 2 lines) has fallen out between v. 6 and v. 7, and the fourteenth between v. 13 and v. 14 of Psalms 145, though in the latter case it still stood in the Hebrew MS from which the Greek version was made. Occasionally lines have been inserted, as, apparently, in more than one place in Psalms 37, and in Nahum 1:2. But such corruption of the text is really serious only in Psalms 9 f., Nahum 1, and Sirach 51:13–30.

The earliest of these fifteen poems are probably Lamentations 2 and 4, which may have been written in the earlier half of the 6th cent, b.c; but the custom of writing such poems may have been much more ancient. Perhaps the latest of the poems is Sirach 51:13–30 (about b.c. 180), but the Jews continued to compose such poems long after this.

The English reader will find the strophes clearly distinguished, and the initial Hebrew letters with their names in English letters indicated, in the RV of Psalms 119. Unfortunately the RV does not give the initials in the other poems; but they will be found, in the case of the Psalms, in (for example) Kirkpatrick’s Psalms (Cambridge Bible), Cheyne’s Book of Psalms, Driver’s Parallel Psalter. For Lamentations 2 and 4 see Expositor, 1906 (April) [G. A. Smith]; for Nahum 1, Expositor, 1898 (Sept.), pp. 207-220 [G. B. Gray], or Driver, Century Bible, p. 26 f. Common though it is in other literatures and with such mediaeval Jewish poets as Ibn Ezra, no decisive instance of the type of acrostic in which the initial letters compose a name, has been found in the OT, though some have detected the name Simeon (or Simon) thus given in Psalms 110. Pss 25 and 34 contain each an additional strophe at the close of the alphabetic strophes; in each case the first word of the verse is a part of the Hebrew verb pSid&h, ‘to redeem,’ and it has been suggested that the author or a copyist has thus left us a clue to his name — Pedahd; but interesting as this suggestion is, it is for several reasons doubtful.

G. B. Gray.