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Chapter XXI

The Woman Which Was a Sinner

Page 50 of 132

(St. .)

The precise date and place of the next recorded event in this Galilean journey of the Christ are left undetermined. It can scarcely have occurred in the quiet little town of Nain, indeed, is scarcely congruous with the scene which had been there enacted. And yet it must have followed almost immediately upon it. We infer this, not only from the silence of St. Matthew, which in this instance might have been due, not to the temporary detention of that Evangelist in Capernaum, while the others had followed Christ to Nain, but to what may be called the sparingness of detail in the Gospel-narratives, each Evangelist relating mostly only one in a group of kindred events.2687 But other indications determine our inference. The embassy of the Baptist's disciples (which will be described in another connection)2688 undoubtedly followed on the raising of the young man of Nain. This embassy would scarcely have come to Jesus in Nain. It probably reached Him on His farther Missionary journey, to which there seems some reference in the passage in the First Gospel2689 which succeeds the account of that embassy. The actual words there recorded can, indeed, scarcely have been spoken at that time. They belong to a later period on that Mission-journey, and mark more fully developed opposition and rejection of the Christ than in those early days. Chronologically, they are in their proper place in St. Luke's Gospel,2690 where they follow in connection with that Mission of the Seventy, which, in part at least, was prompted by the growing enmity to the Person of Jesus. On the other hand, this Mission of the Seventy, is not recorded by St. Matthew. Accordingly, he inserts those prophetic denunciations which, according to the plan of his Gospel, could not have been omitted, at the beginning of this Missionary journey, because it marks the beginning of that systematic opposition,2691 the full development of which, as already stated, prompted the Mission of the Seventy.

Yet, even so, the impression left upon us by St. (which follows on the account of the Baptist's embassy) is, that Jesus was on a journey, and it may well be that those precious words of encouragement and invitation, spoken to the burdened and wearily labouring,2692 formed part, perhaps the substance, of His preaching on that journey. Truly these were good tidings,' and not only to those borne down by weight of conscious sinfulness or deep sorrow, who wearily toiled towards the light of far-off peace, or those dreamt-of heights where some comprehensive view might be gained of life with its labours and pangs. Good news,' also, to them who would fain have learned' according to their capacity, but whose teachers had weighted the yoke of the Kingdom'2693 to a heavy burden, and made the Will of God to them labour, weary and unaccomplishable. But, whether or not spoken at that special time, we cannot fail to recognise their special suitableness to the forgiven sinner' in the Pharisee's house,2694 and their inward, even if not outward, connection with her history.

Another point requires notice. It is how, in the unfolding of His Mission to Man, the Christ progressively placed Himself in antagonism to the Jewish religious thought of His time, from out of which He had historically sprung. In this part of His earthly course the antagonism appeared, indeed, so to speak, in a positive rather than negative form, that is, rather in what He affirmed than in what He combated, because the opposition to Him was not yet fully developed; whereas in the second part of His course it was, for a similar reason, rather negative than positive. From the first this antagonism was there in what He taught and did; and it appeared with increasing distinctness in proportion as He taught. We find it in the whole spirit and bearing of what he did and said - in the house at Capernaum, in the Synagogues, with the Gentile Centurion, at the gate of Nain, and especially here, in the history of the much forgiven woman who had much sinned. A Jewish Rabbi could not have so acted and spoken; he would not even have understood Jesus; nay, a Rabbi, however gentle and pitiful, would in word and deed have taken precisely the opposite direction from that of the Christ.

As St. Gregory expresses it, this is perhaps a history more fit to be wept over than commented upon. For comments seem so often to interpose between the simple force of a narrative and our hearts, and few events in the Gospel-history have been so blunted and turned aside as this history, through verbal controversies and dogmatic wrangling.

The first impression on our minds is, that the history itself is but a fragment. We must try to learn from its structure, where and how it was broken off. We understand the infinite delicacy that left her unnamed, the record of whose much forgiveness' and great love had to be joined to that of her much sin. And we mark, in contrast, the coarse clumsiness which, without any reason for the assertion, to meet the cravings of morbid curiosity, or for saint-worship, has associated her history with the name of Mary Magdalene.2695 Another, and perhaps even more painful, mistake is the attempt of certain critics to identify this history with the much later anointing of Christ at Bethany,2696 and to determine which of the two is the simpler, and which the more ornate - which the truer of the accounts, and whence, or why each case there was a Simon' - perhaps the commonest of Jewish names; a woman who anointed; and that Christ, and those who were present, spoke and acted in accordance with other passages in the Gospel-history:2697 that is, true to their respective histories. But, such twofold anointing - the first, at the beginning of His works of mercy, of the Feet by a forgiven, loving sinner on whom the Sun had just risen; the second, of His Head, by a loving disciple, when the full-orbed Sun was setting in blood, at the close of His Ministry - is, as in the twofold purgation of the Temple at the beginning and close of His Work, only like the completing of the circle of His Life.

The invitation of Simon the Pharisee to his table does not necessarily indicate, that he had been impressed by the teaching of Jesus, any more than the supposed application to his case of what is called the parable' of the much and the little forgiven debtor implies, that he had received from the Saviour spiritual benefit, great or small. If Jesus had taught in the city,' and, as always, irresistibly drawn to Him the multitude, it would be only in accordance with the manners of the time if the leading Pharisee invited the distinguished Teacher' to his table. As such he undoubtedly treated Him.2698 The question in Simon's mind was, whether He was more than Teacher' - even Prophet;' and that such question rose within him indicates, not only that Christ openly claimed a position different from that of Rabbi, and that His followers regarded Him at least as a prophet, but also, within the breast of Simon, a struggle in which strong Jewish prejudice was bearing down the mighty impression of Christ's Presence.

They were all sitting, or rather lying'2699 - the Mishnah sometimes also calls it sitting down and leaning' - around the table, the body resting on the couch, the feet turned away from the table in the direction of the wall, while the left elbow rested on the table. And now, from the open courtyard, up the verandah-step, perhaps through an antechamber,2700 and by the open door, passed the figure of a woman into the festive reception-room and dining-hall - the Teraglin (triclinium) of the Rabbis.2701 How did she obtain access? Had she mingled with the servants, or was access free to all - or had she, perhaps, known the house and its owner?2702 It little matters - as little as whether she had been,' or was' up to that day, a sinner,'2703 in the terrible acceptation of the term. But we must bear in mind the greatness of Jewish prejudice against any conversation with woman, however lofty her character, fully to realise the absolute incongruity on the part of such a woman in seeking access to the Rabbi, Whom so many regarded as the God-sent Prophet.

But this, also, is evidential, that here we are far beyond the Jewish standpoint. To this woman it was not incongruous, because to her Jesus had, indeed, been the Prophet sent from God. We have said before that this story is a fragment; and here, also, as in the invitation of Simon to Jesus, we have evidence of it. She had, no doubt, heard His words that day. What He had said would be, in substance, if not in words: Come unto Me, all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest . . . . Learn of Me, for I am meek and lowly in heart. . . . . Ye shall find rest unto your souls. . . . .' This was to her the Prophet sent from God with the good news that opened even to her the Kingdom of Heaven, and laid its yoke upon her, not bearing her down to very hell, but easy of wear and light of burden. She knew that it was all as He said, in regard to the heavy load of her past; and, as she listened to those Words, and looked on that Presence, she learned to believe that it was all as He had promised to the heavy burdened. And she had watched, and followed Him afar off to the Pharisee's house. Or, perhaps, if it be thought that she had not that day heard for herself, still, the sound of that message must have reached her, and wakened the echoes of her heart. And still it was: Come to Me; learn of Me; I will give rest. What mattered all else to her in the hunger of her soul, which had just tasted of that Heavenly Bread?

The shadow of her form must have fallen on all who sat at meat. But none spake; nor did she heed any but One. Like heaven's own music, as Angels' songs that guide the wanderer home, it still sounded in her ears. There are times when we forget all else in one absorbing thought; when men's opinions - nay, our own feelings of shame - are effaced by that one Presence; when the Come to Me; learn of Me; I will give you rest,' are the all in all to us. Then it is, that the fountains of the Great Deep within are broken open by the wonder-working rod, with which God's Messenger to us - the better Moses - has struck our hearts. She had come that day to learn' and to find rest.' What mattered it to her who was there, or what they thought? There was only One Whose Presence she dared not encounter - not from fear of Him, but from knowledge of herself. It was He to Whom she had come. And so she stood behind at His Feet.' She had brought with her an alabastron (phial, or flask, commonly of alabaster) of perfume.2704 It is a coarse suggestion, that this had originally been bought for a far different purpose. We know that perfumes were much sought after, and very largely in use. Some, such as true balsam, were worth double their weight in silver; others, like the spikenard (whether as juice or unguent, along with other ingredients), though not equally costly, were also precious.' We have evidence that perfumed oils - notably oil of rose,2705 and of the iris plant, but chiefly the mixture known in antiquity as foliatum, were largely manufactured and used in Palestine.2706 A flask with this perfume was worn by women round the neck, and hung down below the breast (the Tselochith shel Palyeton).2707 So common was its use as to be allowed even on the Sabbath.2708 This flask' (possibly the Chumarta de Philon of Gitt. 69 b) - not always of glass, but of silver or gold, probably often also of alabaster - containing palyeton' (evidently, the foliatum of Pliny) was used both to sweeten the breath and perfume the person. Hence it seems at least not unlikely, that the alabastron which she brought, who loved so much, was none other than the flask of foliatum,' so common among Jewish woman.2709

As she stood behind Him at His Feet, reverently bending, a shower of tears, like sudden, quick summer-rain, that refreshes air and earth, bedewed'2710 His Feet. As if surprised, or else afraid to awaken His attention, or defile Him by her tears, she quickly2711 wiped them away with the long tresses of her hair that had fallen down and touched Him,2712 as she bent over His Feet. Nay, not to wash them in such impure waters had she come, but to show such loving gratefulness and reverence as in her poverty she could, and in her humility she might offer. And, now that her faith had grown bold in His Presence, she is continuing2713 to kiss those Feet which had brought to her the good tidings of peace,' and to anoint them out of the alabastron round her neck. And still she spake not, nor yet He. For, as on her part silence seemed most fitting utterance, so on His, that He suffered it in silence was best and most fitting answer to her.

Another there was whose thoughts, far other than hers or the Christ's, were also unuttered. A more painful contrast than that of the Pharisee' in this scene, can scarcely be imagined. We do not insist that the designation this Man,'2714 given to Christ in his spoken thoughts, or the manner in which afterwards he replied to the Saviour's question by a supercilious I suppose,' or presume,'2715 necessarily imply contempt. But they certainly indicate the mood of his spirit. One thing, at least, seems now clear to this Pharisee: If this Man,' this strange, wandering, popular idol, with His strange, novel ways and words, Whom in politeness he must call Teacher,'2716 Rabbi, were a Prophet, He would have known who the woman was, and, if He had known who she was, then would He never have allowed such approach. So do we, also, often argue as to what He would do, if He knew. But He does know; and it is just because He knoweth that He doeth what, from our lower standpoint, we cannot understand. Had He been a Rabbi, He would certainly, and had he been merely a Prophet, He would probably, have repelled such approach. The former, if not from self-righteousness, yet from ignorance of sin and forgiveness; the latter, because such homage was more than man's due.2717 But, He was more than a prophet - the Saviour of sinners; and so she might quietly weep over His Feet, and then quickly wipe away the dew' of the better morning,' and then continue to Kiss His Feet and to anoint them.

And yet Prophet He also was, and in far fuller sense than Simon could have imagined. For, He had read Simon's unspoken thoughts. Presently He would show it to him; yet not, as we might, by open reproof, that would have put him to shame before his guests, but with infinite delicacy towards His host, and still in manner that he could not mistake. What follows is not, as generally supposed, a parable but an illustration. Accordingly, it must in no way be pressed. With this explanation vanish all the supposed difficulties about the Pharisees being little forgiven,' and hence loving little.' To convince Simon of the error of his conclusion, that, if the life of that woman had been known, the prophet must have forbidden her touch of love, Jesus entered into the Pharisee's own modes of reasoning. Of two debtors, one of whom owned ten times as much as the other,2718 who would best love the creditor2719 who had freely2720 forgiven them?2721 Though to both the debt might have been equally impossible of discharge, and both might love equally, yet a Rabbi would, according to his Jewish notions, say, that he would love most to whom most had been forgiven. If this was the undoubted outcome of Jewish theology - the so much for so much - let it be applied to the present case. If there were much benefit, there would be much love; if little benefit, little love. And conversely: in such case much love would argue much benefit; little love, small benefit. Let him then apply the reasoning by marking this woman, and contrasting her conduct with his own. To wash the feet of a guest, to give him the kiss of welcome, and especially to anoint him,2722 were not, indeed, necessary attentions at a feast. All the more did they indicate special care, affection, and respect.2723 None of these tokens of deep regard had marked the merely polite reception of Him by the Pharisee. But, in a twofold climax of which the intensity can only be indicated,2724 the Saviour now proceeds to show, how different it had been with her, to whom, for the first time, He now turned! On Simon's own reasoning, then, he must have received but little, she much benefit. Or, to apply the former illustration, and now to reality: Forgiven have been her sins, the many'2725 - not in ignorance, but with knowledge of their being many.' This, by Simon's former admission, would explain and account for her much love, as the effect of much forgiveness. On the other hand - though in delicacy the Lord does not actually express it - this other inference would also hold true, that Simon's little love showed that little is being forgiven.'2726

What has been explained will dispose of another controversy which, with little judgment and less taste, has been connected with this marvellous history. It must not be made a question as between Romanist and Protestant, nor as between rival dogmatists, whether love had any meritorious part in her forgiveness, or whether, as afterwards stated, her faith' had saved' her. Undoubtedly, her faith had saved her. What she had heard from His lips, what she knew of Him, she had believed. She had believed in the good tidings of peace' which He had brought, in the love of God, and His Fatherhood of pity to the most sunken and needy; in Christ, as the Messenger of Reconciliation and Peace with God; in the Kingdom of Heaven which He had so suddenly and unexpectedly opened to her, from out of whose unfolded golden gates Heaven's light had fallen upon her, Heaven's voices had come to her. She had believed it all: the Father, the Son - Revealer, the Holy Ghost - Revealing. And it had saved her. When she came to that feast, and stood behind with humbled, loving gratefulness and reverence of heart-service, she was already saved. She needed not to be forgiven: she had been forgiven. And it was because she was forgiven that she bedewed His Feet with the summer-shower of her heart, and, quickly wiping away the flood with her tresses, continued kissing and anointing them. All this was the impulse of her heart, who, having come in heart, still came to Him, and learned of Him, and found rest to her soul. In that early springtide of her new-born life, it seemed that, as on Aaron's rod, leaf, bud, and flower were all together in tangled confusion of rich forthbursting. She had not yet reached order and clearness; perhaps, in the fulness of her feelings, knew not how great were her blessings, and felt not yet that conscious rest which grows out of faith in the forgiveness which it obtains.

And this was now the final gift of Jesus to her. As formerly for the first time He had turned so now for the first time He spoke to her - and once more with tenderest delicacy. Thy sins have been forgiven'2727 - not, are forgiven, and not now - the many.' Nor does He now heed the murmuring thoughts of those around, who cannot understand Who this is that forgiveth sins also. But to her, and truly, though not literally, to them also, and to us, He said in explanation and application of it all: Thy faith has saved thee: go into peace.'2728 Our logical dogmatics would have had it: go in peace;' more truly He, into peace.'2729 And so she, the first who had come to Him for spiritual healing the, first of an unnumbered host, went out into the better light, into peace of heart, peace of faith, peace of rest, and into the eternal peace of the Kingdom of Heaven, and of the Heaven of the kingdom hereafter and for ever.

CHAPTER XXII. THE MINISTRY OF LOVE, THE BLASPHEMY OF HATRED, AND THE MISTAKES OF EARTHLY AFFECTION - THE RETURN TO CAPERNAUM - HEALING OF THE DEMONISED DUMB - PHARISAIC CHARGE AGAINST CHRIST - THE VISIT OF CHRIST'S MOTHER AND BRETHREN

(St. ; St. ; St. , &c.; St. and parallels.)

HOWEVER interesting and important to follow the steps of our Lord on His journey through Galilee, and to group in their order the notices of it in the Gospels, the task seems almost hopeless. In truth, since none of the Evangelists attempted - should we not say, ventured - to write a Life' of the Christ, any strictly historical arrangement lay outside their purpose. Their point of view was that of the internal, rather than the external development of this history. And so events, kindred in purpose, discourses bearing on the same subject, or parables pointing to the same stretch of truth, were grouped together; or, as in the present instance, the unfolding teaching of Christ and the growing opposition of His enemies exhibited by joining together notices which, perhaps, belong to different periods. And the lesson to us is, that, just as the Old Testament gives neither the national history of Israel, nor the biography of its heroes, but a history of the Kingdom of God in its progressive development, so the Gospels present not a Life of Christ,' but the history of the Kingdom of God in its progressive manifestation.

Yet, although there are difficulties connected with details, we can trace in outline the general succession of events. We conclude, that Christ was now returning to Capernaum from that Missionary journey2730 of which Nain had been the southernmost point. On this journey He was attended, not only by the Twelve, but by loving grateful women, who ministered to Him of their substance. Among them three are specially named. Mary, called Magdalene,' had received from Him special benefit of healing to body and soul.2731 Her designation as Magdalene was probably derived from her native city, Magdala,2732 just as several Rabbis are spoken of in the Talmud as Magdalene' (Magdelaah, or Magdelaya2733 ). Magdala, which was a Sabbath-day's journey from Tiberias,2734 was celebrated for its dyeworks,2735 and its manufactories of fine woolen textures, of which eighty are mentioned.2736 Indeed, all that district seems to have been engaged in this industry.2737 It was also reputed for its traffic in turtle-doves and pigeons for purifications - tradition, with its usual exaggeration of numbers, mentioning three hundred such shops.2738 Accordingly, its wealth was very great, and it is named among the three cities whose contributions were so large as to be sent in a wagon to Jerusalem.2739 But its moral corruption was also great, and to this the Rabbis attributed its final destruction.2740 Magdala had a Synagogue.27412742 Its name was probably derived from a strong tower which defended its approaches, or served for outlook. This suggestion is supported by the circumstance, that what seems to have formed part, or a suburb of Magdala,2743 bore the names of Fish-tower' and Tower of the Dyers.' One at least, if not both these towers, would be near the landing-place, by the Lake of Galilee, and overlook its waters. The necessity for such places of outlook and defence, making the town a Magdala, would be increased by the proximity of the magnificent plain of Gennesaret, of which Josephus speaks in such rapturous terms.2744 Moreover, only twenty minutes to the north of Magdala descended the so-called Valley of Doves' (the Wady Hamâm), through which passed the ancient caravan-road that led over Nazareth to Damascus. The name valley of doves' illustrates the substantial accuracy of the Rabbinic descriptions of ancient Magdala. Modern travelers (such as Dean Stanley, Professor Robinson, Farrar, and others) have noticed the strange designation Valley of Doves' without being able to suggest the explanation of it, which the knowledge of its traffic in doves for purposes of purification at once supplies. Of the many towns and villages that dotted the shores of the Lake of Galilee, all have passed away except Magdala, which is still represented by the collection of mud hovels that bears the name of Mejdel. The ancient watch-tower which gave the place its name is still there, probably standing on the same site as that which looked down on Jesus and the Magdalene. To this day Magdala is celebrated for its springs and rivulets, which render it specially suitable for dyeworks; while the shell-fish with which these waters and the Lake are said to abound,2745 might supply some of the dye.2746

Such details may help us more clearly to realise the home, and with it, perhaps, also the upbringing and circumstances of her who not only ministered to Jesus in His Life, but, with eager avarice of love, watched afar off' His dying moments,2747 and then sat over against the new tomb of Joseph in which His Body was laid.2748 And the terrible time which followed she spent with her like-minded friends, who in Galilee had ministered to Christ,2749 in preparing those spices and ointments'2750 which the Risen Saviour would never require. For, on that Easter-morning the empty tomb of Jesus was only guarded by Angel-messengers, who announced to the Magdalene and Joanna, as well as the other women,2751 the gladsome tidings that His foretold Resurrection had become a reality. But however difficult the circumstances may have been, in which the Magdalene came to profess her faith in Jesus, those of Joanna (the Hebrew Yochani2752 ) must have been even more trying. She was the wife of Chuza, Herod's Steward2753 - possibly, though not likely, the Court-official whose son Jesus had healed by the word spoken in Cana.2754 The absence of any reference to the event seems rather opposed to this supposition. Indeed, it seems doubtful, whether Chuza was a Jewish name. In Jewish writings2755 the designation ({hebrew})2756 seems rather used as a by-name (little pitcher') for a small, insignificant person, than as a proper name.2757 Only one other of those who ministered to Jesus is mentioned by name. It is Susanna, the lily.' The names of the other loving women are not written on the page of earth's history, but only on that of the Lamb's Book of Life.' And they ministered to Him of their substance.' So early did eternal riches appear in the grab of poverty; so soon did love to Christ find its treasure in consecrating it to His Ministry. And ever since has this been the law of His Kingdom, to our great humiliation and yet greater exaltation in fellowship with Him.

It was on this return-journey to Capernaum, probably not far from the latter place, that the two blind men had their sight restored.2758 It was then, also, that the healing of the demonised dumb took place, which is recorded in St. , and alluded to in St. . This narrative must, of course, not be confounded with the somewhat similar event told in St. , and in St. . The latter occurred at a much later period in our Lord's life, when, as the whole context shows, the opposition of the Pharisaic party had assumed much larger proportions, and the language of Jesus was more fully denunciatory of the character and guilt of His enemies. That charge of the Pharisees, therefore, that Jesus cast out the demons through the Prince of the demons,2759 as well as His reply to it, will best be considered when it shall appear in its fullest development. This all the more, that we believe at least the greater part of our Lord's answer to their blasphemous accusation, as given in St. Mark's Gospel,2760 to have been spoken at that later period.2761

It was on this return-journey to Capernaum from the uttermost borders of Galilee, when for the first time He was not only followed by His twelve Apostles, but attended by the loving service of those who owed their all to His Ministry, that the demonized dumb was restored by the casting our of the demon. Even these circumstances show that a new stage in the Messianic course had begun. It is characterised by fuller unfolding of Christ's teaching and working, and pari passu, by more fully developed opposition of the Pharisaic party. For the two went together, nor can they be distinguished as cause or effect. That new stage, as repeatedly noted, had opened on His return from the Unknown Feast' in Jerusalem, whence He seems to have been followed by the Pharisaic party. We have marked it so early as the call of the four disciples by the Lake of Galilee. But it first actively appeared at the healing of the paralytic in Capernaum, when, for the first time, we noticed the presence and murmuring of the Scribes, and, for the first time also, the distinct declaration about the forgiveness of sins on the part of Jesus. The same twofold element appeared in the call of the publican Matthew, and the cavil of the Pharisees at Christ's subsequent eating and drinking with sinners.' It was in further development of this separation from the old and now hostile element, that the twelve Apostles were next appointed, and that distinctive teaching of Jesus addressed to the people in the Sermon on the Mount,' which was alike a vindication and an appeal. On the journey through Galilee, which now followed, the hostile party does not seem to have actually attended Jesus; but their growing, and now outspoken opposition is heard in the discourse of Christ about John the Baptist after the dismissal of his disciples,2762 while its influence appears in the unspoken thoughts of Simon the Pharisee.

But even before these two events, that had happened which would induce the Pharisaic party to increased measures against Jesus. It has already been suggested, that the party, as such, did not attend Jesus on His Galilean journey. But we are emphatically told, that tidings of the raising of the dead at Nain had gone forth into Judæa.2763 No doubt they reached the leaders at Jerusalem. There seems just sufficient time between this and the healing of the demonised dumb on the return-journey to Capernaum, to account for the presence there of those Pharisees,2764 who are expressly described by St. Mark2765 as the Scribes which came down from Jerusalem.'

Other circumstances, also, are thus explained. Whatever view the leaders at Jerusalem may have taken of the raising at Nain, it could no longer be denied that miracles were wrought by Jesus. At least, what to us seem miracles, yet not to them, since, as we have seen, miraculous' cures and the expelling of demons lay within the sphere of their extraordinary ordinary' - were not miracles in our sense, since they were, or professed to be, done by their own children.' The mere fact, therefore, of such cures, would present no difficulty to them. To us a single well-ascertained miracle would form irrefragable evidence of the claims of Christ; to them it would not. They could believe in the miracles,' and yet not in the Christ. To them the question would not be, as to us, whether they were miracles - but, By what power, or in what Name, He did these deeds? From our standpoint, their opposition to the Christ would - in view of His Miracles - seem not only wicked. but rationally inexplicable. But ours was not their point of view. And here, again, we perceive that it was enmity of the Person and Teaching of Jesus which led to the denial of His claims. The inquiry: By what Power Jesus did these works? they met by the assertion, that it was through that of Satan, or the Chief of the Demons. They regarded Jesus, as not only temporarily, but permanently, possessed by a demon, that is, as the constant vehicle of Satanic influence. And this demon was, according to them, none other than Beelzebub, the prince of the devils.2766 Thus, in their view, it was really Satan who acted in and through Him; and Jesus, instead of being recognised as the Son of God, was regarded as an incarnation of Satan; instead of being owned as the Messiah, was denounced and treated as the representative of the Kingdom of Darkness. All this, because the Kingdom which He came to open, and which He preached, was precisely the opposite of what they regarded as the Kingdom of God. Thus it was the essential contrariety of Rabbinism to the Gospel of the Christ that lay at the foundation of their conduct towards the Person of Christ. We venture to assert, that this accounts for the whole after-history up to the Cross.

Thus viewed, the history of Pharisaic opposition appears not only consistent, but is, so to speak, morally accounted for. Their guilt lay in treating that as Satanic agency which was of the Holy Ghost; and this, because they were of their father the Devil, and knew not, nor understood, nor yet loved the Light, their deeds being evil. They were not children of the light, but of that darkness which comprehended Him not Who was the Light. And now we can also understand the growth of active opposition to Christ. Once arrived at the conclusion, that the miracles which Christ did were due to the power of Satan, and that He was the representative of the Evil One, their course was rationally and morally chosen. To regard every fresh manifestation of Christ's Power as only a fuller development of the power of Satan, and to oppose it with increasing determination and hostility, even to the Cross: such was henceforth the natural progress of this history. On the other hand, such a course once fully settled upon, there would, and could, be no further reasoning with, or against it on the part of Jesus. Henceforth His Discourses and attitude to such Judaism must be chiefly denunciatory, while still seeking - as, from the inward necessity of His Nature and the outward necessity of His Mission, He must - to save the elect remnant from this untoward generation,' and to lay broad and wide the foundations of the future Church. But the old hostile Judaism must henceforth be left to the judgment of condemnation, except in those tears of Divine pity which the Jew-King and Jewish Messiah wept over the Jerusalem that knew not the day of its visitation.

But all this, when the now beginning movement shall have reached its full proportions.2767 For the present, we mark only its first appearance. The charge of Satanic agency was, indeed, not quite new. It had been suggested, that John the Baptist had been under demoniacal influence, and this cunning pretext for resistance to his message had been eminently successful with the people.2768 The same charge, only in much fuller form, was not raised against Jesus. As the multitude marvelled, saying, it was never so seen in Israel,' the Pharisees, without denying the facts, had this explanation of them, to be presently developed to all its terrible consequences: that, both as regarded the casting out of the demon from the dumb man and all similar works, Jesus wrought it through the Ruler of the Demons.'27692770

And so the edge of this manifestation of the Christ was blunted and broken. But their besetment of the Christ did not cease. It is to this that we attribute the visit of the mother and brethren' of Jesus, which is recorded in the three Synoptic Gospels.2771 Even this circumstance shows its decisive importance. It forms a parallel to the former attempts of the Pharisees to influence the disciples of Jesus,2772 and then to stir up the hostility of the disciples of John,2773 both of which are recorded by the three Evangelists. It also brought to light another distinctive characteristic of the Mission of Jesus. We place this visit of the mother and brethren' of Jesus immediately after His return to Capernaum, and we attribute it to Pharisaic opposition, which either filled those relatives of Jesus with fear for His safety, or made them sincerely concerned about His proceedings. Only if it meant some kind of interference with His Mission, whether prompted by fear or affection, would Jesus have so disowned their relationship.

But it meant more than this. As always, the positive went side by side with the negative. Without going so far, as with some of the Fathers, to see pride or ostentation in this, that the Virgin—Mother summoned Jesus to her outside the house, since the opposite might as well have been her motive, we cannot but regard the words of Christ as the sternest prophetic rebuke of all Mariolatry, prayer for the Virgin's intercession, and, still more, of the strange doctrines about her freedom from actual and original sin, up to their prurient sequence in the dogma of the Immaculate Conception.'

On the other hand, we also remember the deep reverence among the Jews for parents, which found even exaggerated expression in the Talmud.27742775 And we feel that, of all in Israel, He, Who was their King, could not have spoken nor done what might even seem disrespectful to a mother. There must have been higher meaning in His words. That meaning would be better understood after His Resurrection. But even before that it was needful, in presence of interference or hindrance by earthly relationships, even the nearest and tenderest, and perhaps all the more in their case, to point to the higher and stronger spiritual relationship. And beyond this, to still higher truth. For, had He not entered into earthly kinship solely for the sake of the higher spiritual relationship which He was about to found; and was it not, then, in the most literal sense, that not those in nearest earthly relationship, but they who sat about Him, nay, whoever shall do the will of God,' were really in closest kinship with Him? Thus, it was not that Christ set lightly by His Mother, but that He confounded not the means with the end, nor yet surrendered the spirit for the letter of the Law of Love, when, refusing to be arrested or turned aside from His Mission, even for a moment,2776 He elected to do the Will of His Father rather than neglect it by attending to the wishes of the Virgin-Mother. As Bengel aptly puts it: He contemns not the Mother, but He places the Father first.2777 And this is ever the right relationship in the Kingdom of Heaven!

THE ASCENT: FROM THE RIVER JORDAN TO THE MOUNT OF TRANSFIGURATION

Notes

  1. 2687

    This is specially characteristic of the Gospel by St. Luke.

  2. 2688

    See note in previous chapter.

  3. 2689

    St. .

  4. 2690

    St. .

  5. 2691

    St.

  6. 2692

    St. .

  7. 2693

    Made the yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven' ({hebrew}) equal to the yoke of the Law' ({hebrew}) or to that of the commandments' ({hebrew}).

  8. 2694

    St. .

  9. 2695

    The untenableness of this strange hypothesis has been shown in almost all commentaries. There is not a tittle of evidence for it.

  10. 2696

    St. &c. and parallels.

  11. 2697

    The objections of Keim, though bulking largely when heaped together by him, seem not only unfair, but, when examined one by one, are seen to be groundless.

  12. 2698

    St.

  13. 2699

    Ber. vi. 6 makes the following curious distinction: if they sit at the table, each says the grace' for himself; if they lie down' to table, one says it in the name of all. If wine is handed them during dinner, each says the grace' over it for himself; if after dinner, one says it for all.

  14. 2700

    Ab. iv.16.

  15. 2701

    The Teraqlin was sometimes entered by an antechamber (Prosedor), Ab. iv. 16, and opened into one (Jer. Rosh haSh. 59 b), or more (Yom. 15 b), side-or bed-rooms. The common measurement for such a hall was fifteen feet (ten cubits) breadth, length, and height (Baba B. vi. 4).

  16. 2702

    The strangeness of the circumstance suggests this, which is, alas! by no means inconsistent with what we know of the morality of some of these Rabbis, although this page must not be stained by detailed references.

  17. 2703

    The other and harsher reading, a woman which was in the city a sinner,' need scarcely be discussed.

  18. 2704

    I have so translated the word mron, which the A.V. renders ointment.' The word is evidently the Hebrew and Rabbinic {hebrew} which, however, is not always the equivalent for myrrh, but seems also to mean musk and mastic. In short, I regard it as designating any fluid unguent or - generally speaking, perfume.' So common was the use of perfumes, that Ber. vi. 6 mentions a mugmar, or a kind of incense, which was commonly burnt after a feast. As regards the word alabastron,' the name was given to perfume-phials in general, even if not made of alabaster, because the latter was so frequently used for such flasks.

  19. 2705

    Shebh. vii. 6.

  20. 2706

    Jer. Demai 22 b.

  21. 2707

    Ab. S. 35 b.

  22. 2708

    Shabb. vi. 3.

  23. 2709

    The derivation of the Rabbinic term in Buxtorf's Lexicon (p. 1724) is certainly incorrect. I have no doubt the {hebrew} was the foliatum of Pliny (Hist. Nat. xiii. 1, 2). In Jew. War iv. 9, 10, Josephus seems to imply that women occasionally poured over themselves unguents. According to Kethub. vi. 4, a woman might apparently spend a tenth of her dowry on such things as unguents and perfumes. For, in Kethub. 66 b we have an exaggerated account of a woman spending upwards of 300l. on perfumes! This will at any rate prove their common and abundant use.

  24. 2710

    This is the real meaning of the verb.

  25. 2711

    This is implied in the tense.

  26. 2712

    It is certainly not implied, that she had her hair dishevelled as in mourning, or as by women before drinking the waters of jealousy.

  27. 2713

    The tense implies this.

  28. 2714

    ver. 39.

  29. 2715

    ver. 43.

  30. 2716

    In the A. V.

  31. 2717

    The Talmud, with its usual exaggeration, has this story when commenting on the reverence due by children to their parents, that R. Ishmael's mother had complained her son would not allow her, when he came from the Academy, to wash his feet and then drink the water - on which the sages made the Rabbi yield! (Jer. Peah 15 c). Again, some one came to kiss R. Jonathan's feet, because he had induced filial reverence in his son (u. s., col. d).

  32. 2718

    The one sum="upwards" of 15l.; the other=upwards of 1l. 10s.

  33. 2719

    Money-lender - though perhaps not in the evil sense which we attach to the term. At the same time, the frequent allusion to such and to their harsh ways offers painful illustration of the social state at the time.

  34. 2720

    So rather than frankly' in the A. V.

  35. 2721

    The points of resemblance and of difference with St. will readily appear on comparison.

  36. 2722

    Comp. for ex. St. .

  37. 2723

    Washing: ; ; ; ; ; kissing: ; ; ; anointing: ; , as well as .

  38. 2724

    Thou gavest me no water, she washed not with water but tears; no kiss, she kissed my feet; no oil, she unguent; not to the head, but to the feet. And yet: emphatically - into thy house I came, &c.

  39. 2725

    So literally.

  40. 2726

    Mark the tense.

  41. 2727

    So, properly rendered. Romanism, in this also arrogating to man more than Christ Himself ever spoke, has it: Absolvo te, not thy sins have been forgiven,' but I absolve thee!

  42. 2728

    So literally.

  43. 2729

    This distinction between the two modes of expression is marked in Moed. K. 29 a: into peace,' as said to the living; in peace,' as referring to the dead.

  44. 2730

    St. ; St. .

  45. 2731

    Out of whom went seven devils.' Those who are curious to see one attempt at finding a rational' basis for some of the Talmudical legends about Mary Magdalene and others connected with the history of Christ, may consult the essay of Rösch in the Studien and Kritiken for 1873, pp. 77-115 (Die Jesus-Mythen d. Judenth.)

  46. 2732

    The suggestion that the word meant curler of hair,' which is made by Lightfoot, and repeated by his modern followers, depends on entire misapprehension.

  47. 2733

    In Baba Mets. 25 a, middle, R. Isaac the Magdalene is introduced in a highly characteristic discussion about coins that are found. His remark about three coins laid on each other like a tower might, if it had not been connected with such a grave discussion, have almost seemed a pun on Magdala.

  48. 2734

    Jer. Erub. 22 d, end.

  49. 2735

    Ber. R. 79.

  50. 2736

    Jer. Taan. 69 a, line 15 from bottom.

  51. 2737

    Thus in regard to another village (not mentioned either by Relandus or Neubauer) in the Midr. on , ed. Warsh. p. 67 b, line 13 from bottom.

  52. 2738

    Midr. on .

  53. 2739

    Jer. Taan. 69 a.

  54. 2740

    Jer. Taan. u.s.; Midr. on , ed. Warsh. p. 67 b middle.

  55. 2741

    Midr. on , ed. Warsh p. 102 b.

  56. 2742

    This Synagogue is introduced in the almost blasphemous account of the miracles of Simon ben Jochai, when he declared Tiberias free from the defilement of dead bodies, buried there.

  57. 2743

    This has been well shown by Neubauer, Géogr. de la Palestine, pp. 217, 218.

  58. 2744

    Jewish War iii. 10.

  59. 2745

    Baedeker's Palastina, pp. 268, 269.

  60. 2746

    It is at any rate remarkable that the Talmud (Megill. 6 a) finds in the ancient territory of Zebulun the Chilzon ({hebrew}) so largely used in dyeing purple and scarlet, and so very precious. Spurious dyes of the same colour were also produced (comp. Lewysohn, Zool. d. Talm. pp. 281-283).

  61. 2747

    St. .

  62. 2748

    ver. 61.

  63. 2749

    St. .

  64. 2750

    ver. 56.

  65. 2751

    St. .

  66. 2752

    Seb. 62 b.

  67. 2753

    Curiously enough, the Greek term x ptropos x (steward) has passed into the Rabbinic Aphiterophos.

  68. 2754

    St. .

  69. 2755

    Delitzsch (Zeitsch. für Luther Theol. for 1876, p. 598), seems to regard Kuzith ({hebrew}) as the Jewish equivalent of Chuza. The word is mentioned in the Aruch (ed. Landau, p. 801 b, where the references, however, are misquoted) as occurring in Ber. R. 23 and 51. No existing copy of the Midrash has these references, which seem to have been purposely omitted. It is curious that both occur in connection with Messianic passages. In any case, however, Kuzith was not a proper name, but some mystic designation. Lightfoot (Horæ Hebr. on ) reads in the genealogy of Haman (in Sopher. xiii. 6) Bar Kuza. But it is really Bar Biza, son of contempt' - all the names being intended as defamatory of Haman. Similarly, Lightfoot asserts that the designation does not occur in the genealogy of Haman in the Targum Esther. But in the Second Targum Esther (Miqraoth Gedol. Part vi. p. 5 a) the name does occur in the genealogy as Bar Buzah.'

  70. 2756

    Yebam. 70 a.

  71. 2757

    Dr. Neubauer (Studia Bibl. p. 225) regards Chuza as an Idumæan name, connected with the Edomite god Kos.

  72. 2758

    St. .

  73. 2759

    St. .

  74. 2760

    St. .

  75. 2761

    I regard St. as combining the event in St. (see St. ) with what is recorded in St. and St. , and I account for this combination by the circumstance that the latter is not related by St. Mark.

  76. 2762

    St. .

  77. 2763

    St. .

  78. 2764

    St. .

  79. 2765

    St. .

  80. 2766

    St. .

  81. 2767

    St. &c.; St. &c.

  82. 2768

    St. , ; St. .

  83. 2769

    St. , .

  84. 2770

    At the same time I have, with not a few authorities, strong doubts whether St. is not to be regarded as an interpolation (see Westcott and Hort, New Testament). Substantially, the charge was there; but it seems doubtful whether, in so many words, it was made till a later period.

  85. 2771

    St. &c.; St. &c. St. &c.

  86. 2772

    St. .

  87. 2773

    u. s. ver. 14.

  88. 2774

    Jer. Peah i. 1.

  89. 2775

    An instance of this has been given in the previous chapter, p. 567, note. Other examples of filial reverence are mentioned, some painfully ludicrous, others touching, and accompanied by sayings which sometimes rise to the sublime.

  90. 2776

    Bengel remarks on St. : Non plane hic congruebat sensus Mariæ cum sensu Filii.'

  91. 2777

    Non spernit Matrem, sed anteponit Patrem.'

Alfred Edersheim, The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (1883). Public domain. Text from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library.