Chapter XVII
The Three Parables of the Gospel: Of the Recovery of the Lost - of the Lost Sheep, the Lost Drachm, the Lost Son (part 1 of 2)
Page 82 of 132
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A SIMPLE perusal of the three Parables, grouped together in the fifteenth chapter of St. Luke's Gospel, will convince us of their connection. Although they treat of repentance,' we can scarcely call them The Parables of Repentance;' for, except in the last of them, the aspect of repentance is subordinate to that of restoration, which is the moral effect of repentance. They are rather peculiarly Gospel-Parables of the recovery of the lost:' in the first instance, through the unwearied labour; in the second, through the anxious care, of the owner; and in the third Parable, through the never-ceasing love of the Father.
Properly to understand these Parables, the circumstance which elicited them must be kept in view. As Jesus preached the Gospel of God's call, not to those who had, as they imagined, prepared themselves for the Kingdom by study and good works, but as that to a door open, and a welcome free to all, all the publicans and sinners were [constantly] drawing near to Him.' It has formerly been shown,4479 that the Jewish teaching concerning repentance was quite other than, nay, contrary to, that of Christ. Theirs was not a Gospel to the lost: they had nothing to say to sinners. They called upon them to do penitence,' and then Divine Mercy, or rather Justice, would have its reward for the penitent. Christ's Gospel was to the lost as such. It told them of forgiveness, of what the Saviour was doing, and the Father purposed and felt for them; and that, not in the future and as reward of their penitence, but now in the immediate present. From what we know of the Pharisees, we can scarcely wonder that they were murmuring at Him, saying, This man receiveth "sinners," and eateth with them.' Whether or not Christ had on this, as on other occasions,4480 joined at a meal with such persons - which, of course, in the eyes of the Pharisees would have been a great aggravation to His offence - their charge was so far true, that this One,' in contrariety to the principles and practice of Rabbinism, received sinners' as such, and consorted with them. Nay, there was even more than they charged Him with: He not only received them when they sought Him, but He sought them, so as to bring them to Him; not, indeed, that they might remain sinners,' but that, by seeking and finding them, they might be restored to the Kingdom, and there might be joy in heaven over them. And so these are truly Gospel-Parables, although presenting only some aspects of it.
Besides their subject-matter, these three Parables have some other points in common. Two things are here of chief interest. They all proceed on the view that the work of the Father and of Christ, as regards the Kingdom,' is the same; that Christ was doing the work of the Father, and that they who know Christ know the Father also. That work was the restoration of the lost; Christ had come to do it, and it was the longing of the Father to welcome the lost home again. Further, and this is only second in importance, the lost was still God's property; and he who had wandered farthest was a child of the Father, and considered as such. And, although this may, in a wider sense, imply the general propriety of Christ in all men, and the universal Fatherhood of God, yet, remembering that this Parable was spoken to Jews, we, to whom these Parables now come, can scarcely be wrong in thinking, as we read them, with special thankfulness of our Christian privileges, as by Baptism numbered among the sheep of His Flock, the treasure of His Possession, and the children of His Home.4481
In other particulars there are, however, differences, all the more marked that they are so finely shaded. These concern the lost, their restoration, and its results.
1. The Parable of the Lost Sheep. - At the outset we remark that this Parable and the next, that of the Lost Drachm, are intended as an answer to the Pharisees. Hence they are addressed to them: What man of you?'4482 or what woman?'4483 just as His late rebuke to them on the subject of their Sabbath-cavils had been couched: Which of you shall have a son or an ox fallen into a well?'4484 Not so the last Parable, of the Lost Son, in which He passed from defence, or rather explanation, of His conduct, to its higher reason, showing that He was doing the work of the Father. Hence, while the element of comparison (with that which had not been lost) appears in most detailed form in the first Parable, it is generalised in the second, and wholly omitted in the third.
Other differences have to be marked in the Parables themselves. In the first Parable (that of the Lost Sheep) the main interest centres in the lost; in the second (that of the Lost Drachm), in the search; in the third, in the restoration. And although in the third Parable the Pharisees are not addressed, there is the highest personal application to them in the words which the Father speaks to the elder son - an application, not so much of warning, as of loving correction and entreaty, and which seems to imply, what otherwise these Parables convey, that at least these Pharisees had murmured,' not so much from bitter hostility to Christ, as from spiritual ignorance and misunderstanding.
Again, these Parables, and especially that of the Lost Sheep, are evidently connected with the preceding series, that of warnings.' The last of these showed how the poor, the blind, lame, and maimed, nay, even the wanderers on the world's highway, were to be the guests at the heavenly Feast. And this, not only in the future, and after long and laborious preparation, but now, through the agency of the Saviour. As previously stated, Rabbinism placed acceptance at the end of repentance, and made it its wages. And this, because it knew not, nor felt the power of sin, nor yet the free grace of God. The Gospel places acceptance at the beginning of repentance, and as the free gift of God's love. And this, because it not only knows the power of sin, but points to a Saviour, provided of God.
The Lost Sheep is only one among a hundred: not a very great loss. Yet which among us would not, even from the common motives of ownership, leave the ninety-and-nine, and go after it, all the more that it has strayed into the wilderness? And, to take these Pharisees on their own ground,4485 should not the Christ have done likewise to the straying and almost lost sheep of His own flock? Nay, quite generally and to all time, is this not the very work of the Good Shepherd,' and may we not, each of us, thus draw from it precious comfort? As we think of it, we remember that it is natural for the foolish sheep so to wander and stray. And we think not only of those sheep which Jewish pride and superciliousness had left to go astray, but of our own natural tendency to wander. And we recall the saying of St. Peter, which, no doubt, looked back upon this Parable: Ye were as sheep going astray; but are now returned unto the Shepherd and Bishop of your souls.'4486 It is not difficult in imagination to follow the Parabolic picture: how in its folly and ignorance the sheep strayed further and further, and at last was lost in solitude and among stony places; how the shepherd followed and found it, weary and footsore; and then with tender care lifted it on his shoulder, and carried it home, gladsome that he had found the lost. And not only this, but when, after long absence, he returned home with his found sheep, that now nestled close to its Saviour, he called together his friends, and bade them rejoice with him over the erst lost and now found treasure.
It needs not, and would only diminish the pathos of this exquisite Parable, were we to attempt interpreting its details. They apply wherever and to whatever they can be applied. Of these three things we think: of the lost sheep; of the Good Shepherd, seeking, finding, bearing, rejoicing; and of the sympathy of all who are truly friends - like-minded with Him. These, then, are the emblems of heavenly things. In heaven - oh, how different the feeling from that of Pharisaism! View the flock' as do the Pharisees, and divide them into those who need and who need not repentance, the sinners' and the righteous,' as regards man's application of the Law - does not this Parable teach us that in heaven there shall be joy over the sinner that repenteth' more than over the ninety-and-nine' righteous,' which have not need of repentance'? And to mark the terrible contrast between the teaching of Christ and that of the Pharisees; to mark also, how directly from heaven must have been the message of Jesus, and how poor sinners must have felt it such, we put down in all its nakedness the message which Pharisaism brought to the lost. Christ said to them: There is joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth.' Pharisaism said - and we quote here literally - There is joy before God when those who provoke Him perish from the world.'4487
2. In proceeding to the second Parable, that of the Lost Drachm, we must keep in mind that in the first the danger of being lost arose from the natural tendency of the sheep to wander.4488 In the second Parable it is no longer our natural tendency to which our loss is attributable. The drachm (about 7 ½d. of our money) has been lost, as the woman, its owner, was using or counting her money. The loss is the more sensible, as it is one out of only ten, which constitute the owner's property. But it is still in the house - not like the sheep that had gone astray - only covered by the dust that is continually accumulating from the work and accidents around. And so it is more and more likely to be buried under it, or swept into chinks and corners, and less and less likely to be found as time passes. But the woman lights a lamp, sweeps the house, and seeks diligently, till she has found it. And then she calleth together those around, and bids them rejoice with her over the finding of the lost part of her possessions. And so there is joy in the presence of the Angels over one sinner that repenteth. The comparison with others that need not such is now dropped, because, whereas formerly the sheep had strayed - though from the frowardness of its nature - here the money had simply been lost, fallen among the dust that accumulates - practically, was no longer money, or of use; became covered, hidden, and was in danger of being for ever out of sight, not serviceable, as it was intended to be and might have been.
We repeat, the interest of this Parable centres in the search, and the loss is caused, not by natural tendency, but by surrounding circumstances, which cover up the bright silver, hide it, and render it useless as regards its purpose, and lost to its owner.
3. If it has already appeared that the two first Parables are not merely a repetition, in different form, of the same thought, but represent two different aspects and causes of the being lost' - the essential difference between them appears even more clearly in the third Parable, that of the Lost Son. Before indicating it in detail, we may mark the similarity in form, and the contrast in spirit, of analogous Rabbinic Parables. The thoughtful reader will have noted this even in the Jewish parallel to the first Parable,4489 where the reason of the man following the straying animal is Pharisaic fear and distrust, lest the Jewish wine which it carried should become mingled with that of the Gentiles. Perhaps, however, this is a more apt parallel, when the Midrash4490 relates how, when Moses fed the sheep of Jethro in the wilderness, and a kid had gone astray, he went after it, and found it drinking at a spring. As he thought it might be weary, he laid it on his shoulder and brought it back, when God said that, because he had shown pity on the sheep of a man, He would give him His own sheep, Israel, to feed.4491 As a parallel to the second Parable, this may be quoted as similar in form, though very different in spirit, when a Rabbi notes,4492 that, if a man had lost a Sela (drachm) or anything else of value in his house, he would light ever so many lights ({hebrew}) till he had found what provides for only one hour in this world. How much more, then, should he search, as for hidden treasures, for the words of the Law, on which depends the life of this and of the world to come!4493 And in regard to the high place which Christ assigned to the repenting sinner, we may note that, according to the leading Rabbis, the penitents would stand nearer to God than the perfectly righteous' ({hebrew}), since, in Is. lvii. 19, peace was first bidden to those who had been afar off, and then only to those near. This opinion was, however, not shared by all, and one Rabbi maintained,4494 that, while all the prophets had only prophesied with reference to penitents (this had been the sole object of their mission), yet, as regarded the perfectly righteous,' eye hath not seen' O God, beside Thee, what He hath prepared' for them.4495 Lastly, it may, perhaps, be noted, that the expression there is joy before Him' ({hebrew}) is not uncommon in Jewish writings with reference to events which take place on earth.
To complete these notes, it may be added that, besides illustrations, to which reference will be made in the sequel, Rabbinic tradition supplies a parallel to at least part of the third Parable, that of the Lost Son. It tells us that, while prayer may sometimes find the gate of access closed, it is never shut against repentance, and it introduces a Parable in which a king sends a tutor after his son, who, in his wickedness, had left the palace, with this message: Return, my son!' to which the latter replied: With what face can I return? I am ashamed!' On which the father sends this message: My son, is there a son who is ashamed to return to his father - and shalt thou not return to thy father? Thou shalt return.' So, continues the Midrash, had God sent Jeremiah after Israel in the hour of their sin with the call to return,4496 and the comforting reminder that it was to their Father.4497
In the Parable of the Lost Son,' the main interest centres in his restoration. It is not now to the innate tendency of his nature, nor yet to the work and dust in the house that the loss is attributable, but to the personal, free choice of the individual. He does not stray; he does not fall aside - he wilfully departs, and under aggravated circumstances. It is the younger of two sons of a father, who is equally loving to both, and kind even to his hired servants, whose home, moreover, is one not only of sufficiency, but of superabundance and wealth. The demand which he makes for the portion of property falling' to him is founded on the Jewish Law of Inheritance.4498 Presumably, the father had only these two sons. The eldest would receive two portions, the younger the third of all movable property. The father could not have disinherited the younger son, although, if there had been several younger sons, he might have divided the property falling to them as he wished, provided he expressed only his disposition, and did not add that such or such of the children were to have a less share or none at all. On the other hand, a man might, during his lifetime, dispose of all his property by gift, as he chose, to the disadvantage, or even the total loss, of the first-born, or of any other children; nay, he might give all to strangers.4499 In such cases, as, indeed, in regard to all such dispositions, greater latitude was allowed if the donor was regarded as dangerously ill, than if he was in good health. In the latter case a legal formality of actual seizure required to be gone through. With reference to the two eventualities just mentioned - that of diminishing or taking away the portion of younger children, and the right of gift - the Talmud speaks of Testaments,4500 which bear the name Diyatiqi, as in the New Testament.4501 These dispositions might be made either in writing or orally. But if the share of younger children was to be diminished or taken away, the disposition must be made by a person presumably near death (Shekhibh mera). But no one in good health (Bari) could diminish (except by gift) the legal portion of a younger son.4502
It thus appears that the younger son was, by law, fully entitled to his share of the possessions, although, of course, he had no right to claim it during the lifetime of his father. That he did so, might have been due to the feeling that, after all, he must make his own way in the world; to dislike of the order and discipline of his home; to estrangement from his elder brother; or, most likely, to a desire for liberty and enjoyment, with the latent belief that he would succeed well enough if left to himself. At any rate, his conduct, whatever his motives, was most heartless as regarded his father, and sinful as before God. Such a disposition could not prosper. The father had yielded to his demand, and, to be as free as possible from control and restraint, the younger son had gone into a far country. There the natural sequences soon appeared, and his property was wasted in riotous living. Regarding the demand for his inheritance as only a secondary trait in the Parable, designed, on the one hand, more forcibly to bring out the guilt of the son, and, on the other, the goodness, and afterwards the forgiveness, of the Father, we can scarcely doubt that by the younger son we are to understand those publicans and sinners' against whose reception by, and fellowship with, Christ the Pharisees had murmured.
The next scene in the history is misunderstood when the objection is raised, that the young man's misery is there represented as the result of Providential circumstances rather than of his own misdoing. To begin with, he would not have been driven to such straits in the famine, if he had not wasted his substance with riotous living. Again, the main object is to show, that absolute liberty and indulgence of sinful desires and passions ended in anything but happiness. The Providence of God had an important part in this. Far more frequently are folly and sin punished in the ordinary course of Providence than by special judgments. Indeed, it is contrary to the teaching of Christ,4503 and it would lead to an unmoral view of life, to regard such direct interpositions as necessary, or to substitute them for the ordinary government of God. Similarly, for our awakening also we are frequently indebted to what is called the Providence, but what is really the manifold working together of the grace, of God. And so we find special meaning in the occurrence of this famine. That, in his want, he clave4504 (kollthe) to one of the citizens of that country,' seems to indicate that the man had been unwilling to engage the dissipated young stranger, and only yielded to his desperate importunity. This also explains how he employed him in the lowest menial service, that of feeding swine. To a Jew, there was more than degradation in this, since the keeping of swine (although perhaps the ownership rather than the feeding) was prohibited to Israelites under a curse.45054506 And even in this demeaning service he was so evil entreated, that for very hunger he would fain have filled his belly with the carob-pods that the swine did eat.' But here the same harshness, which had sent him to such employment, met him on the part of all the people of that country: and no man gave unto him,' even sufficient of such food. What perhaps gives additional meaning to this description is the Jewish saying: When Israel is reduced to the carob-tree, they become repentant.'45074508
It was this pressure of extreme want which first showed to the younger son the contrast between the country and the circumstances to which his sin had brought him, and the plentiful provision of the home he had left, and the kindness which provided bread enough and to spare for even the hired servants. There was only a step between what he said, having come into himself,' and his resolve to return, though its felt difficulty seems implied in the expression: I will arise.' Nor would he go back with the hope of being reinstated in his position as son, seeing he had already received, and wasted in sin, his portion of the patrimony. All he sought was to be made as one of the hired servants. And, alike from true feeling, and to show that this was all his pretence, he would preface his request by the confession, that he had sinned against heaven' - a frequent Hebraism for against God'4509 - and in the sight of his father, and hence could no longer lay claim to the name of son. The provision of the son he had, as stated, already spent, the name he no longer deserved. This favour only would he seek, to be as a hired servant in his father's house, instead of in that terrible, strange land of famine and harshness.
But the result was far other than he could have expected. When we read that, while he was yet afar off, his father saw him,' we must evidently understand it in the sense, that his father had been always on the outlook for him, an impression which is strengthened by the later command to the servants to bring the calf, the fatted one,'4510 as if it had been specially fattened against his return. As he now saw him, he was moved with compassion, and he ran, and he fell on his neck, and covered him with kisses.'4511 Such a reception rendered the purposed request, to be made as one of the hired servants, impossible - and its spurious insertion in the text of some important manuscripts4512 affords sad evidence of the want of spiritual tact and insight of early copyists. The father's love had anticipated his confession, and rendered its self-spoken sentence of condemnation impossible. Perfect love casteth out fear,' and the hard thoughts concerning himself and his deserts on the part of the returning sinner were banished by the love of the father. And so he only made confession of his sin and wrong - not now as preface to the request to be taken in as a servant, but as the outgoing of a humbled, grateful, truly penitent heart. Him whom want had humbled, thought had brought to himself, and mingled need and hope led a suppliant servant - the love of a father, which anticipated his confession, and did not even speak the words of pardon, conquered, and so morally begat him a second time as his son. Here it deserves special notice, as marking the absolute contrast between the teaching of Christ and Rabbinism, that we have in one of the oldest Rabbinic works4513 a Parable exactly the reverse of this, when the son of a friend is redeemed from bondage, not as a son, but to be a slave, that so obedience might be demanded of him. The inference drawn is, that the obedience of the redeemed is not that of filial love of pardoned, but the enforcement of the claim of a master. How otherwise in the Parable and teaching of Christ!
But even so the story of love has not come to an end. They have reached the house. And now the father would not only restore the son, but convey to him the evidence of it, and he would do so before, and by the servants. The three tokens of wealth and position are to be furnished him. Quickly' the servants are to bring forth the stola,' the upper garment of the higher classes, and that the first' - the best, and this instead of the tattered, coarse raiment of the foreign swineherd. Similarly, the finger-ring for his hand, and the sandals for his unshod feet, would indicate the son of the house. And to mark this still further, the servants were not only to bring these articles, but themselves to put them on' the son, so as thereby to own his mastership. And yet further, the calf, the fatted one' for this very occasion, was to be killed, and there was to be a joyous feast, for this' his son was dead, and is come to life again; was lost, and is found.'4514
Thus far for the reception of publicans and sinners,' and all in every time whom it may concern. Now for the other aspect of the history. While this was going on, so continues the Parable, the elder brother was still in the field. On his return home, he inquired of a servant the reason of the festivities which he heard within the house. Informed that his younger brother had come, and the calf long prepared against a feast had been killed, because his father had recovered him safe and sound,' he was angry, would not go in, and even refused the request to that effect of the father, who had come out for the purpose. The harsh words of reproach with which he set forth his own apparent wrongs could have only one meaning: his father had never rewarded him for his services. On the other hand, as soon as this' his son' - whom he will not even call his brother - had come back, notwithstanding all his disservice, he had made a feast of joy!
But in this very thing lay the error of the elder son, and - to apply it - the fatal mistake of Pharisaism. The elder son regarded all as of merit and reward, as work and return. But it is not so. We mark, first, that the same tenderness which had welcomed the returning son, now met the elder brother. He spoke to the angry man, not in the language of merited reproof, but addressed him lovingly as son,' and reasoned with him. And then, when he had shown him his wrong, he would fain recall him to better feeling by telling him of the other as his brother.'4515 But the main point is this. There can be here no question of desert. So long as the son is in His Father's house He gives in His great goodness to His child all that is the Father's. But this poor lost one - still a son and a brother - he has not got any reward, only been taken back again by a Father's love, when he had come back to Him in the deep misery of his felt need. This son, or rather, as the other should view him, this brother,' had been dead, and was come to life again; lost, and was found. And over this it was meet to make merry and be glad,' not to murmur. Such murmuring came from thoughts of work and pay - wrong in themselves, and foreign to the proper idea of Father and son; such joy, from a Father's heart. The elder brother's were the thoughts of a servant:4516 of service and return; the younger brother's was the welcome of a son in the mercy and everlasting love of a Father. And this to us, and to all time!
CHAPTER XVIII. THE UNJUST STEWARD - DIVES AND LAZARUS - JEWISH AGRICULTURAL NOTES - PRICES OF PRODUCE - WRITING AND LEGAL DOCUMENTS - PURPLE AND FINE LINEN - JEWISH NOTIONS OF HADES.
(St. )
Although widely differing in their object and teaching, the last group of Parables spoken during this part of Christ's Ministry are, at least outwardly, connected by a leading thought. The word by which we would string them together is Righteousness. There are three Parables of the Unrighteous: the Unrighteous Steward, the Unrighteous Owner, and the Unrighteous Dispenser, or Judge. And these are followed by two other Parables of the Self-righteous: Self-righteousness in its Ignorance, and its dangers as regards oneself; and Self-righteousness in its Harshness, and its dangers as regards others. But when this outward connection has been marked, we have gone the utmost length. Much more close is the internal connection between some of them.
We note it, first and chiefly, between the two first Parables. Recorded in the same chapter,4517 and in the same connection, they were addressed to the same audience. True, the Parable of the Unjust Steward was primarily spoken to His disciples,'4518 that of Dives and Lazarus to the Pharisees.4519 But then the audience of Christ at that time consisted of disciples and Pharisees. And these two classes in the audience stood in peculiar relation to each other, which is exactly met in these two Parables, so that the one may be said to have sprung out of the other. For, the disciples,' to whom the first Parable was addressed, were not primarily the Apostles, but those publicans and sinners' whom Jesus had received, to the great displeasure of the Pharisees.4520 Them He would teach concerning the Mamon of unrighteousness. And, when the Pharisees sneered at this teaching, He would turn it against them, and show that, beneath the self-justification,4521 which made them forget that now the Kingdom of God was opened to all,4522 and imagine that they were the sole vindicators of a Law4523 which in their everyday practice they notoriously broke,4524 there lay as deep sin and as great alienation from God as that of the sinners whom they despised. Theirs might not be the Mamon of, yet it might be that for unrighteousness; and, while they sneered at the idea of such men making of their Mamon friends that would receive them into everlasting tabernacles, themselves would experience that in the end a terrible readjustment before God would follow on their neglect of using for God, and their employment only for self of such Mamon as was theirs, coupled as it was with harsh and proud neglect of what they regarded as wretched, sore-covered Lazarus, who lay forsaken and starving at their very doors.
It will have been observed, that we lay once more special stress on the historical connection and the primary meaning of the Parables. We would read them in the light of the circumstances in which they were spoken - as addressed to a certain class of hearers, and as referring to what had just passed. The historical application once ascertained, the general lessons may afterwards be applied to the widest range. This historical view will help us to understand the introduction, connection, and meaning, of the two Parables which have been described as the most difficult: those of the Unjust Steward,4525 and of Dives and Lazarus.
At the outset we must recall, that they were addressed to two different classes in the same audience. In both the subject is Unrighteousness. In the first, which is addressed to the recently converted publicans and sinners, it is the Unrighteous Steward, making unrighteous use of what had been committed to his administration by his Master; in the second Parable, which is addressed to the self-justifying, sneering Pharisees, it is the Unrighteous Possessor, who uses only for himself and for time what he has, while he leaves Lazarus, who, in his view, is wretched and sore-covered, to starve or perish, unheeded, at his very door. In agreement with its object, and as suited to the part of the audience addressed, the first Parable points a lesson, while the second furnishes a warning. In the first Parable we are told, what the sinner when converted should learn from his previous life of sin; in the second, what the self-deceiving, proud Pharisee should learn as regarded the life which to him seemed so fair, but was in reality so empty of God and of love. It follows - and this is of greatest importance, especially in the interpretation of the first Parable - that we must not expect to find spiritual equivalents for each of the persons or incidents introduced. In each case, the Parable itself forms only an illustration of the lessons, spoken or implied, which Christ would convey to the one and the other class in His audience.
I. The Parable of the Unjust Steward. - In accordance with the canon of interpretation just laid down, we distinguish - 1. The illustrative Parable.4526 2. Its moral.4527 3. Its application in the combination of the moral with some of the features of the Parable.4528
1. The illustrative Parable.4529 This may be said to converge to the point brought out in the concluding verse:4530 the prudence which characterises the dealings of the children of this world in regard to their own generation, or, to translate the Jewish forms of expression into our own phraseology, the wisdom with which those who care not for the world to come choose the means most effectual for attaining their worldly objects. It is this prudence by which their aims are so effectually secured, and it alone, which is set before the children of light,' as that by which to learn. And the lesson is the more practical, that those primarily addressed had hitherto been among these men of the world. Let them learn from the serpent its wisdom, and from the dove its harmlessness; from the children of this world, their prudence as regarded their generation, while, as children of the new light, they must remember the higher aim for which that prudence was to be employed. Thus would that Mamon which is of unrighteousness,' and which certainly faileth,' become to us treasure in the world to come - welcome us there, and, so far from failing,' prove permanent - welcome us in everlasting tabernacles. Thus, also, shall we have made friends of the Mamon of unrighteousness,' and that, which from its nature must fail, become eternal gain - or, to translate it into Talmudic phraseology, it will be of the things of which a man enjoys the interest in this world, while the capital remains for the world to come.
It cannot now be difficult to understand the Parable. Its object is simply to show, in the most striking manner, the prudence of a worldly man, who is unrestrained by any other consideration than that of attaining his end. At the same time, with singular wisdom, the illustration is so chosen as that its matter (materia), the Mamon of unrighteousness,' may serve to point a life-lesson to those newly converted publicans and sinners, who had formerly sacrificed all for the sake, or in the enjoyment of, that Mamon. All else, such as the question, who is the master and who the steward, and such like, we dismiss, since the Parable is only intended as an illustration of the lesson to be afterwards taught.
The connection between this Parable and what the Lord had previously said concerning returning sinners, to which our remarks have already pointed, is further evidenced by the use of the term wasting' (diaskorpzon), in the charge against the steward, just as the prodigal son had wasted' (dieskrpise) his substance.4531 Only, in the present instance, the property had been entrusted to his administration. As regards the owner, his designation as rich' seems intended to mark how large was the property committed to the steward. The steward' was not, as in St. , a slave, but one employed for the administration cf the rich man's affairs, subject to notice of dismissal.4532 He was accused - the term implying malevolence, but not necessarily a false charge - not of fraud, but of wasting, probably by riotous living and carelessness, his master's goods. And his master seems to have convinced himself that the charge was true, since he at once gives him notice of dismissal. The latter is absolute, and not made dependent on the account of his stewardship,' which is only asked as, of course, necessary, when he gives up his office. Nor does the steward either deny the charge or plead any extenuation. His great concern rather is, during the time still left of his stewardship, before he gives up his accounts, to provide for his future support. The only alternative before him in the future is that of manual labour or mendicancy. But for the former he has not strength; from the latter he is restrained by shame.
Then it is that his prudence' suggests a device by which, after his dismissal, he may, without begging, be received into the houses of those whom he has made friends.4533 It must be borne in mind, that he is still steward, and, as such, has full power of disposing of his master's affairs. When, therefore, he sends for one after another of his master's debtors, and tells each to alter the sum in the bond, he does not suggest to them forgery or fraud, but, in remitting part of the debt - whether it had been incurred as rent in kind, or as the price of produce purchased - he acts, although unrighteously, yet strictly within his rights. Thus, neither the steward nor the debtors could be charged with criminality, and the master must have been struck with the cleverness of a man who had thus secured a future provision by making friends, so long as he had the means of so doing (ere his Mamon of unrighteousness failed).
A few archæological notices may help the interpretation of details. From the context it seems more likely, that the bonds,' or rather writings,' of these debtors were written acknowledgements of debt, than, as some have supposed that they were, leases of farms. The debts over which the steward variously disposed, according as he wished to gain more or less favour, were considerable. In the first case they are stated at a hundred Bath of oil,' in the second as a hundred Cor of wheat.' In regard to these quantities we have the preliminary difficulty, that three kinds of measurement were in use in Palestine - that of the Wilderness,' or, the original Mosaic; that of Jerusalem,' which was more than a fifth larger; and that of Sepphoris, probably the common Galilean measurement, which, in turn, was more than a fifth larger than the Jerusalem measure.4534 To be more precise, one Galilean was equal to 3/2 Wilderness' measures. Assuming the measurement to have been the Galilean, one Bath4535 would have been equal to an Attic Metrêtês, or about 39 litres. On the other hand, the so-called Wilderness measurement' would correspond with the Roman measures, and, in that case, the Bath' would be the same as the Amphora, or amount to a little less than 26 litres.4536 The latter is the measurement adopted by Josephus.45374538 In the Parable, the first debtor was owing 100 of these Bath,' or, according to the Galilean measurement, about 3,900 litres of oil. As regards the value of a Bath of oil, little information can be derived from the statements of Josephus, since he only mentions prices under exceptional circumstances, either in particularly plentiful years,4539 or else at a time of war and siege.4540 In the former, an Amphora, or 26 litres, of oil seems to have fetched about 9d.; but it must be added, that, even in such a year, this represents a rare stroke of business, since the oil was immediately afterwards re-sold for eight times the amount, and this - 3s. for half an Amphora of about 13 litres - would probably represent an exceptionally high war-price. The fair price for it would probably have been 9d. For the Mishnah informs us, that the ordinary earthenware casks' (the Gerabh) held each 2 Seah, or 48 Log, or about 26 litres.4541 Again, according to a notice in the Talmud,4542 100 such casks,' or, 200 Seah, were sold for 10 (presumably gold) dinars, or 250 silver dinars, equal to about 7l. 10s. of our money. And as the Bath (= 3 Seah) held a third more than one of those casks,' or Gerabhin, the value of the 100 Bath of oil would probably amount to about 10l. of our money, and the remission of the steward, of course, to 5l.
The second debtor owed a hundred Cor of wheat' - that is, in dry measure, ten times the amount of the oil of the first debtor, since the Cor was ten Ephah or Bath, the Ephah three Seah, the Seah six Qabh, and the Qabh four Log. This must be borne in mind, since the dry and the fluid measures were precisely the same; and here, also, their threefold computation (the Wilderness,' the Jerusalem,' and the Galilean') obtained. As regards the value of wheat, we learn4543 that, on an average, four Seah of seed were expected to produce one Cor - that is, seven and a half times their amount; and that a field 1,500 cubits long and 50 wide was expected to grow a Cor. The average price of a Cor of wheat, bought uncut, amounted to about 25 dinars, or 15s. Striking an average between the lowest prices mentioned4544 and the highest,4545 we infer that the price of 3 Seah or an Ephah would be from two shillings to half-a-crown, and accordingly of a Cor (or 10 Ephah) from 20 to 25 shillings (probably this is rather more than it would cost). On this computation the hundred Cor would represent a debt of from 100l. to 125l., and the remission of the steward (of 20 Cor), a sum of from 20l. to 25l. Comparatively small as these sums may seem, they are in reality large, remembering the value of money in Palestine, which, on a low computation, would be five times as great as in our own country.4546 These two debtors are only mentioned as instances, and so the unjust steward would easily secure for himself friends by the Mamon of unrighteousness,' the term Mamon,4547 we may note, being derived from the Syriac and Rabbinic word of the same kind ({hebrew}, from {hebrew}={hebrew}, {hebrew}, to apportion).4548
Another point on which acquaintance with the history and habits of those times throws light is, how the debtors could so easily alter the sum mentioned in their respective bonds. For, the text implies that this, and not the writing of a new bond, is intended; since in that case the old one would have been destroyed, and not given back for alteration. It would be impossible, within the present limits, to enter fully on the interesting subject of writing, writing-materials, and written documents among the ancient Jews.4549 Suffice it to give here the briefest notices.
The materials on which the Jews wrote were of the most divers kind: leaves, as of olives, palms, the carob, &c.; the rind of the pomegranate, the shell of walnuts, &c.; the prepared skins of animals (leather and parchment); and the product of the papyrus, used long before the time of Alexander the Great for the manufacture of paper, and known in Talmudic writings by the same name, as Papir4550 or Apipeir,4551 but more frequently by that of Nayyar - probably from the stripes (Nirin) of the plant of which it was made.4552 But what interests us more, as we remember the tablet' (pinakdion) on which Zacharias wrote the name of the future Baptist,4553 is the circumstance that it bears not only the same name, Pinaqes or Pinqesa, but that it seems to have been of such common use in Palestine.4554 . It consisted of thin pieces of wood (the Luach) fastened or strung together. The Mishnah4555 enumerates three kinds of them: those where the wood was covered with papyrus,4556 those where it was covered with wax, and those where the wood was left plain to be written on with ink. The latter was of different kinds. Black ink was prepared of soot (the Deyo), or of vegetable or mineral substances.4557 Gum Arabic and Egyptian (Qumos and Quma) and vitriol (Qanqanthos) seem also to have been used4558 in writing. It is curious to read of writing in colours and with red ink or Siqra,4559 and even of a kind of sympathetic ink, made from the bark of the ash, and brought out by a mixture of vitriol and gum.4560 We also read of a gold-ink, as that in which the copy of the Law was written which, according to the legend, the High-Priest had sent to Ptolemy Philadelphus for the purpose of being translated into Greek by the LXX.4561 But the Talmud prohibits copies of the Law in gold letters,4562 or more probably such in which the Divine Name was written in gold letters.45634564 In writing, a pen, Qolemos, made of reed (Qaneh4565 ) was used, and the reference in an Apostolic Epistle4566 to writing with ink and pen' (di mlanos ka kalmou) finds even its verbal counterpart in the Midrash, which speaks of Milanin and Qolemin (ink and pens). Indeed, the public writer' - a trade very common in the East4567 - went about with a Qolemos, or reed-pen, behind his ear, as a badge of his employment.45684569 With the reed-pen we ought to mention its necessary accompaniments: the penknife,4570 the inkstand (which, when double, for black and red ink, was sometimes made of earthenware, Qalamarim4571 ), and the ruler4572 - it being regarded by the stricter set as unlawful to write any words of Holy Writ on any unlined material, no doubt to ensure correct writing and reading.45734574
In all this we have not referred to the practice of writing on leather specially prepared with salt and flour,4575 nor to the Qelaph, or parchment in the stricter sense.4576 For we are here chiefly interested in the common mode of writing, that on the Pinaqes, or tablet,' and especially on that covered with wax. Indeed, a little vessel holding wax was generally attached to it (Pinaqes sheyesh bo beth Qibbul shaavah4577 ). On such a tablet they wrote, of course, not with a reed-pen, but with a stylus, generally of iron. This instrument consisted of two parts, which might be detached from each other: the hard pointed writer' (Kothebh), and the blotter' (Mocheq) which was flat and thick for smoothing out letters and words which had been written or rather graven in the wax.4578 There can be no question that acknowledgments of debt, and other transactions, were ordinarily written down on such wax-covered tablets; for not only is direct reference made to it,4579 but there are special provisions in regard to documents where there are such erasures, or rather effacements: such as, that they require to be noted in the document,4580 under what conditions and how the witnesses are in such cases to affix their signatures,4581 just as there are particular injunctions how witnesses who could not write are to affix their mark.
But although we have thus ascertained that the bonds' in the Parable must have been written on wax - or else, possibly, on parchment - where the Mocheq, or blotter, could easily efface the numbers, we have also evidence that they were not, as so often, written on tablets' (the Pinaques). For, the Greek term, by which these bonds' or writings' are designated in the Parable (grmmata4582 ), is the same as is sometimes used in Rabbinic writings (Gerammation) for an acknowledgment of debt;45834584 the Hebraised Greek word corresponding to the more commonly used (Syriac) term Shitre (Shetar), which also primarily denotes writings,' and is used specifically for such acknowledgments.45854586 Of these there were two kinds. The most formal Shetar was not signed by the debtor at all, but only by the witnesses, who were to write their names (or marks) immediately (not more than two lines) below the text of the document, to prevent fraud. Otherwise, the document would not possess legal validity. Generally, it was further attested by the Sanhedrin4587 of three, who signed in such manner as not to leave even one line vacant.4588 Such a document contained the names of creditor and debtor, the amount owing, and the date, together with a clause attaching the property of the debtor. In fact, it was a kind of mortgage; all sale of property being, as with us, subject to such a mortgage,4589 which bore the name Acharayuth (probably, guarantee'4590 ) When the debt was paid, the legal obligation was simply returned to the debtor; if paid in part, either a new bond was written, or a receipt given, which was called Shobher4591 or Tebhara, because it broke' the debt.
But in many respects different were those bonds which were acknowledgements of debt for purchases made, such as we suppose those to have been which are mentioned in the Parable. In such cases it was not uncommon to dispense altogether with witnesses, and the document was signed by the debtor himself. In bonds of this kind, the creditor had not the benefit of a mortgage in case of sale. We have expressed our belief that the Parable refers to such documents, and we are confirmed in this by the circumstance that they not only bear a different name from the more formal bonds (the Shitre), but one which is perhaps the most exact rendering of the Greek term ({hebrew},4592 a writing of hand,' note of hand'4593 ). For completeness' sake we add, in regard to the farming of land, that two kinds of leases were in use. Under the first, called Shetar Arisuth, the lessee (Aris = oros4594 ) received a certain portion of the produce. He might be a lessee for life, for a specified number of years, or even a hereditary tiller of the ground; or he might sub-let it to another person.4595 Under the second kind of lease, the farmer - or Meqabbel - entered into a contract for payment either in kind, when he undertook to pay a stipulated and unvarying amount of produce, in which case he was called a Chokher (Chakhur or Chakhira4596 ), or else a certain annual rental in money, when he was called a Sokher.4597
Notes
- 4479
See Book III. ch. xvii.
- 4480
St. , .
- 4481
The only other alternative would seem, if one were to narrow the underlying ideas in a strictly Predestinarian sense. But this seems not only incompatible with the third Parable, where all turns on personal resolve, but runs contrary to the whole spirit of these Parables, which is not of the exclusion of any, but of the widest inclusion.
- 4482
St. .
- 4483
ver. 8.
- 4484
St. .
- 4485
There is to some extent a Rabbinic parallel Parable (Ber. R. 86, ed. Warsh. p. 154 b, about the middle), where one who is driving twelve animals laden with wine, leaves the eleven and follows the twelfth into the shop of a Gentile, for fear that the wine which it bears might be mixed there.
- 4486
.
- 4487
Siphré, ed. Friedmann, p. 37 a, line 13 from top.
- 4488
In St. , the same Parable is used, but with different application - not as here to the loss, but to what men might deem the smallness of the loss, with special reference to the command in ver. 10 (ver. 11 in the text of our A.V. is spurious).
- 4489
See Note on p. 255 of this chapter.
- 4490
on .
- 4491
Shem. R. 2, ed. Warsh, p. 7 b, about the middle.
- 4492
on .
- 4493
Midr. on , ed. Warsh p. 3 a, about the middle.
- 4494
Ber. 34 b about the middle.
- 4495
Is. lxiv. 4.
- 4496
.
- 4497
Debar. R. 2, on , which, in general, contains several references to repentance, ed. Warsh. p. 7 b, about the middle.
- 4498
See ch. xvi. Note 1.
- 4499
But in regard to such disinheriting of children, even if they were bad, it was said, that the Spirit of Wisdom did not rest on them who made such disposition (Baba B. viii. 5).
- 4500
It may be interesting here to quote, in connection with the interpretation of , , this Rabbinic principle: A testament makes void a [previous] testament,' Jer. Baba B. 16 b, below.
- 4501
Baba B. viii. 6; Moed K. iii. 3.
- 4502
The present Jewish Law of Inheritance is fully given in Fassel, Mos. Rabb. Civil-Recht, vol. i. pp. 274-412.
- 4503
St. , .
- 4504
More literally, was glued.' The LXX. translate thus the Hebrew {hebrew}, to cleave.'
- 4505
Baba K. 82 b, and the reference to it in the Midrash on .
- 4506
This prohibition is connected by tradition with Maccabean times.
- 4507
Vayyik. R. 35 ed. Warsh., pp. 53 b, 54 a.
- 4508
The fruit of the carob-tree is regarded in Jewish and heathen literature as the poorest, and, indeed, only fit for animals. See Wetstein ad loc. According to Jewish ideas, it took seventy years before the carob-tree bore fruit (Bekhor. 8 a). It is at least doubtful whether the tree is mentioned in the Old Testament (the {hebrew} of , ). In the Mishnah it is frequently referred to (Peah i. 5; Shabb. xxiv. 2; Baba B. ii. 7). Its fruit seems to have been the food of ascetics, such as Chanina b. Dosa, &c. (Ber. 17 b), and Simeon b. Jochai (Shabb. 33 b), even as it had been that of John the Baptist. Its leaves seem on occasions to have been used as writing-material (Tos. Gitt. 2).
- 4509
Other terms were also substituted (such as Might,' Mercy,' &c.) - with the view of avoiding needless mention of the Deity.
- 4510
St. .
- 4511
Or kissed him much,' katephlesen atn.
- 4512
ver. 21. See marg. of R. V.
- 4513
Siphré, ed. Friedm. p. 35 a.
- 4514
Thus the text correctly. As it seems to me, the words do not, in the first place, point to a moral change. Dogmatically, the inference is no doubt correct, but, as Goebel remarks, they would scarcely have, in that sense, been addressed to the servants.
- 4515
St. .
- 4516
It may be worth mentioning a somewhat similar parable in Bemidb. R. 15 (ed. Warsh. p. 62 b, near beginning). Reference is made to the fact, that, according to , all the twelve tribes brought gifts, except Levi. Upon that follows in the consecration of the Levites to the service of the Lord. The Midrash likens it to a feast which a king had made for all the people, but to which he does not bid his special friend. And while the latter seems to fear that this exclusion may imply disfavour, the king has a special feast for his friend only, and shows him that while the common meal was for all, the special feast is for those he specially loves.
- 4517
St.
- 4518
ver 1.
- 4519
ver. 15.
- 4520
St. , .
- 4521
St. .
- 4522
ver. 16.
- 4523
ver. 17.
- 4524
ver. 18.
- 4525
The reader who wishes to see the different views and interpretations of this Parable is referred to the modern commentaries, and especially to Archbishop Trench's Notes on the Parables (13th ed.). pp. 427-452.
- 4526
St. .
- 4527
ver. 9.
- 4528
vv. 10-13.
- 4529
vv. 1-8.
- 4530
ver. 8.
- 4531
St. .
- 4532
St. , .
- 4533
A somewhat similar parable occurs in Vayyik. R. 5 (towards the close) about a prudent' farmer. When matters go badly with his farm, he dresses himself in his best, puts on a cheerful mien, and so appears before his landlord. By well turned, flattering replies to the inquiries about the cattle and the crops, he so conciliates favour, that when the landlord finally inquires what he wished, and he requests a loan, he receives double the sum he had asked.
- 4534
See Herzfield, Handelsgesch, pp. 183-185. I have proceeded on his computation. I am bound to add, that there are few subjects on which the statements of writers are more inconsistent or confused. The statements made in the text are derived from Jewish sources.
- 4535
The writer in Smith's Bibl. Dict., vol. iii. p. 1740 b, is mistaken in saying that the Bath is the largest of liquid measures.' According to , the Chomer or Cor = ten bath or ephah, was equally applied to liquid and dry measures. The Bath (one-tenth of the Chomer or Cor) = three seah; the seah = two hin; the hin = twelve log; the log = space of six eggs. Further, one thirty-secondth of a log is reckoned equal to a large (table), one sixty-fourth to a small (dessert) spoon.
- 4536
This difference between the Wilderness,' or Mosaic,' and the Galilean' measure removes the difficulty (raised by Thenius) about the capacity of the brazen sea' in Solomon's Temple (, ). The Bath should be calculated, not according to the Galilean ( = Metrêtês = about thirty-nine litres), but according to the Wilderness' measure ( = amphora = about twenty-six litres).
- 4537
The reading in Ant. xv. 9. 2: The Attic Medimni,' is evidently a copyist's error for Metrêtai.'
- 4538
Ant. viii. 2, 9; comp. ix. 4, 5.
- 4539
Jewish War. ii. 21. 2.
- 4540
Life, 13.
- 4541
Terum. x. 8.
- 4542
Jer. Baba M. iv. 2, p. 9 d.
- 4543
from Baba M. 105 b, about the middle.
- 4544
Peah viii. 7; Erub. viii. 2; Baba B. 91b.
- 4545
Baba B 91 a.
- 4546
This will appear from the cost of living, labour, &c.
- 4547
The word should be written with one m. See Grimm s. v.
- 4548
Grimm (after Drusius) derives it from {hebrew}, but this is most unlikely. The derivation of Lagarde (ap. Kautzsch, p. 173) seems very difficult. Buxtorf (s. v.) largely, but not very satisfactorily, discusses its etymology. The view in the text has the sanction of Levy.
- 4549
I must here refer generally to the monograph of Löw (Graphische Requis. u. Erzeugn., 2 vols.). Its statements require, however, occasionally to be rectified. See also Herzfeld, Handelsgesch. pp. 113 &c., and Note 17.
- 4550
Sot. 49 b.
- 4551
Kel. xxiv. 7.
- 4552
Löw, u. s. vol. i. pp.97, 98. It is curious to learn that in those days also waste paper went to the grocer. (Baba M. 56 b.)
- 4553
St. .
- 4554
From earlier times comes to us notice of the Gillayon (Is. viii. 1) - a smooth tablet of wood, metal, or stone - and of the Cheret, or stylus (Is. viii. 1), and the Et, which means probably not only a stylus but also a calamus (; .)
- 4555
Kel. xxiv. 7.
- 4556
So Sachs, Beitr. z. Sprach u. Alterth. Forsch. vol. i. p. 165; but Löw (u. s.) seems of different opinion.
- 4557
The Deyo seems to have been a dry substance which was made into black ink. Ink from gall-nuts appears to be of later invention.
- 4558
Shabb. xii. 4.
- 4559
u. s.
- 4560
Jer. Shabb 13 d. about the middle.
- 4561
Jos. Ant. xii. 2. 10.
- 4562
But the learned Relandus asserts that there were in his country such texts written in gold letters, and that hence the Talmudic prohibition could have only applied to the copies used in the Synagogues (Havercamp's ed. of Josephus, vol. i. p. 593, Note e.)
- 4563
Shabb. 103 b; Sopher. i. 9.
- 4564
Not to make a distinction between any portions of Scripture, and also from the curious Kabbalistic idea that somehow every word in the Bible contained the Divine Name.
- 4565
Shabb. viii. 5.
- 4566
3 John 13.
- 4567
We read of one, Ben Qamtsar, who wrote four letters (the Tetragram) at once, holding four reeds (Qolemosin) at the same time between his four fingers (Yoma 38 b). The great R. Meir was celebrated as a copyist, specially of the Bible, at which work he is said to have made about 8s. weekly, of which, it is stated, he spent a third on his living, a third on his dress, and a third on charity to Rabbis (Midr. on , ed. Warsh. p. 83 b, last two lines). The codices of R. Meir seem to have embodied some variations of the common text. Thus, in the Psalms he wrote Halleluyah in one word, as it had been an interjection, and not in the orthodox way, as two words: Hallelu Yah (Jer. Meg. 72 a). His codices seem also to have had marginal notes. Thus, on the words very good' ({hebrew}), , he noted death is good' ({hebrew}), a sort of word-play, to support his view, that death was originally of God and created by Him - a natural necessity rather than a punishment (Ber. R. 9.). Similarly, on , he altered in the margin the {hebrew}, skin,' of the text into {hebrew}, light,' thus rendering garments of light' (u. s. 20). Again, in , he left out the {hebrew} from {hebrew}, rendering it And the son of Dan was Chushim' (u. s. 94.). Similarly, he altered the words, Is. xxi. 11, {hebrew}, the burden of Dumah' into Roma, {hebrew} (Jer. Taan. p. 64 a, line 10 from top.)
- 4568
Shabb. i. 3.
- 4569
Similarly, the carpenter carried a small wooden rule behind his ear.
- 4570
Already mentioned in , and in the Mishnah called Olar, {hebrew}. Kel. xii. 8.
- 4571
Kel. ii. 7.
- 4572
Kel. xii. 8.
- 4573
Meg. 16 b.
- 4574
Letters, other documents, or bales of merchandise, were sealed with a kind of red clay.
- 4575
Meg. 17 a; 19 a.
- 4576
Shabb. viii. 3.
- 4577
Kel. xvii. 17.
- 4578
Kel. xiii. 2.
- 4579
Ab. iii. 16.
- 4580
Baba B. 161 b.
- 4581
u. s. 163 a, b; 164 a.
- 4582
St. .
- 4583
Shem. R. 15.
- 4584
The designations for the general formulary (Tophos, or Tiphos (Gitt. iii. 2), = typos), and for the special clauses (Toreph = Tropos) were of Greek derivation. For the full draft of the various legal documents we refer the reader to Note ix. at the end of Sammter's edition of Baba Mets. pp. 144-148. How many documents of this kind Jewish legalism must have invented, may be gathered from the circumstance that Herzfeld (u. s. p. 314) enumerates not fewer than thirty-eight different kinds of them! It appears that there were certain forms of these and similar documents, prepared with spaces left blank to be filled in (Gitt. iii. .2)
- 4585
Baba M. i. 8.
- 4586
The more full designation was Shetar Chobh, a writing of debt (Baba M. i. 6), or Shetar Milvah (Gitt. iii. 2), a writing of loan.
- 4587
The attestation of the court was called Qiyum Beth Din, the establishment of the court,' Ashra, or Asharta, strengthening, or Henpheq (Baba Mez. 7 b), literally, the production, viz. before the court.
- 4588
Baba B. 163 a, b.
- 4589
Babha B. x. 8.
- 4590
For the derivation and legal bearing of the term, see Löw, vol. ii. p. 82.
- 4591
Babha M. 7.
- 4592
Babha B. x. 8.
- 4593
Although it is certain that letters of credit were used by the Jews of old, there is sufficient reason for believing that bills' were first introduced into commerce by the Italians, and not by Jews.
- 4594
But Guisius (in Surenhusius' Mishna, vol. i. pp. 56, 57) gives a different derivation and interpretation, which the learned reader may consult for himself.
- 4595
Babha B 46 b.
- 4596
The difference between the Aris and the Chokher is stated in Jer. Bikkur. 64 b.
- 4597
The difference between the Chokher and the Sokher is expressed in Tos. Demai vi. 2. Ugolini (Thes. vol. xx. pp. cxix., cxx.) not only renders but copies this passage wrongly. A more composite bargain of letting land and lending money for its better cultivation is mentioned in B. Mez. 69 b.
Alfred Edersheim, The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (1883). Public domain. Text from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library.