The Church History of Eusebius (part 28 of 28)

Notes

1. 3025

   Constantine at Cibalis had 20,000 Licinius 35,000 (Anon. Vales. p. 473).

2. 3026

   Zos. 2. 18; "by a sudden attack" (Eutrop. 10. 4); "by night" (Vict. Epit. p. 50). Cf. Orosius, c. 28.

3. 3027

   After the battle of Cibalis the Greeks and the Macedonians, the inhabitants of the banks of the Danube, of Achaia, and the whole nation of Illyrica became subject to Constantine (Soz. 1. 6; cf. Anon. Vales. p. 474; Zos. 2. 20; Oros. c. 28, &c.).

4. 3028

   Perhaps earlier and perhaps later. It is generally placed in 317 (cf. Clinton, p. 370).

5. 3029

   Zos. 2. 21. An exhaustive discussion of this is that by Bessell, Gothen, in Ersch u. Gruber, Encykl. I. 75 (Leipz. 1862), 132-33. The same article (p. 133-35) discusses various relations of Goths and Sarmatians with Constantine.

6. 3030

   According to Sozomen, Licinius withdrew his favor from Christians and persecuted them, because "He was deeply incensed against the Christians on account of his disagreement with Constantine, and thought to wound him by their sufferings; and, besides, he suspected that they earnestly desired that Constantine should enjoy the sovereign rule" (1. 7). In this view of the case, it is easy to see how and why affairs marched as they did. Eusebius (H. E. 10. 9) makes this, like the war against Maxentius, a real crusade in behalf of the persecuted Christians.

7. 3031

   According to Zos. 2. 27, the final siege and surrender was at Nicomedia.

8. 3032

   Compare note on Bk. II. ch. 18.

9. 3033

   For his presence at Rome at this time, compare authorities above, and also law dated July, 326, given in Clinton (p. 380).

10. 3034

    Crispus was alive and in power March 1, 326, as appears from coins (cf. Eckhel, 8, p. 101-2). Whether he was put to death before the Vicennalia does not appear, but that he was is not probable. For death of Crispus and its date, compare Zos. 2. 29; Vict. Cæs.; Soz. 1. 5; Vict. Epit. p. 50; Chron. Pasch.; Eutrop. 10. 6, &c., and discussion under Character.

11. 3035

    The same year according to Greg. Tur. (1. 34). Cf. Eutrop. and Sidon. 327, and even 328, is the date given by some (cf. Clinton, v. 1, p. 382, and Wordsworth).

12. 3036

    Disputed, but generally allowed. On this series of deaths, compare the somewhat opposite views of Görres and Seeck in the articles mentioned under Literature for latest views.

13. 3037

    The date of the beginning of the work is curiously uncertain. Socrates (1. 6) puts it directly after the Council of Nicæa, and Philostorgius in 334, while there is almost equal variety among the modern historians. Burckhardt says Nov. 4, 326; De Broglie, 328 or 329; Wordsworth as early as 325. It is possible that the strangeness which he felt in visiting Rome in 326, and the hostility with which he was met there (Zos. 2. 29, 30), may have been a moving cause in the foundation of this "New Rome," and that it was begun soon after his visit there. He first began to build his capital near the site of Ilium (Soz. 2. 3; Zos. 2. 30), but "led by the hand of God" (Soz.), he changed his plan to that city whose site he so much admired (Soz.).

14. 3038

    For accounts of the founding of Constantinople, see Soz. 2. 3; Philostorgius, 2. 9; Malalas, 13. 5; Glycas, p. 462-64; Cedrenus, p. 495-98; Theoph. 41-42. Compare Zosimus, 2. 30; Anon. Vales. p. 475-76; Socrates, 1. 16; Orosius, c. 28; Praxagoras, Zononas, Codinus, Nicephoras Callistus, &c.

15. 3039

    The events and dates of these later periods have to do mainly with theological matters,—the "religious" activity of Constantine, to which Eusebius devotes his attention so fully,—and are treated in the V. C.

16. 3040

    Cf. Vict. Epit. p. 51, where "bull-necked" is rendered as equal to "scoffer," "such according to physiognomical writers being the character of stout men," Liddell and Scott, Lex. p. 1569. But the very proverb on which Victor bases this interpretation would seem to make it refer to energy and obstinate force of character, which is altogether better fitting the word and the physiognomical characteristic.

17. 3041

    It is hardly necessary to say that the various tales of the remorse of Constantine for the death of Crispus are mythical. The tale of Sopater has been mentioned. That of Codinus (De signo Cp. p. 62-63), also that, "in regret for death of Crispus, he erected a statue of pure silver with the inscription, My unjustly treated son,' and did penance besides," falls into the same category.

18. 3042

    Seeck (Ztschr. f. wiss. Theol. 1890, p. 73) maintains that it is established ("urkundlich fest") that Licinius was still living in 336, in which case he would have been more than twenty years old. He maintains also that he was not the son of Constantine, but the illegitimate son of Licinius by a slave woman.

19. 3043

    On this question compare especially monographs of Görres and Seeck. See under Literature, where other titles, e.g. Hug and Wegnerus, will also be found. In general, the remark of Ludermann (Lipsius, Theol. Jahrb. 1886, p. 108) is valid, "The arguments against Constantine's Christianity, which are drawn from his moral character, have ever been the weakest."

20. 3044

    It seems to have been frequently accepted as such—in the collections of councils, by the editor of Optatus, Ceillier, &c. It first appeared in the edition of Optatus, among the monuments relating to the Donatists gathered by him. These monuments are from one single though tolerably ancient ms. and no source for this is quoted, though the sources of others are given. In itself considered it is a surprise to find it at this stage of Constantine's life. Still, it is not unlike his later productions, and it is not impossible to think of its having been written in the enthusiasm of a successfully ended enterprise. It would seem (unless there be some confirmatory study of the letter, not now at hand) that a cautious criticism would base nothing on this letter alone.

21. 3045

    His saying before baptism is discussed in the V. C. 4. 2, notes.

22. 3046

    Constantine, being a man of great energy, bent upon effecting whatever he had settled in his mind....But the pride of prosperity caused Constantine greatly to depart from his former agreeable mildness of temper. Falling first upon his own relatives, he put to death his son, an excellent man; his sister's son, a youth of amiable disposition; soon afterwards his wife; and subsequently many of his friends." "He was a man who, in the beginning of his reign, might have been compared to the best princes; in the latter part of it, only to those of middling character. Innumerable good qualities of mind and body were apparent in him; he was exceedingly ambitious of military glory, and had great success in his wars; a success, however, not more than proportioned to his exertions. After he had terminated the Civil War, he also overthrew the Goths on various occasions, granting them at last peace, and leaving on the minds of the barbarians a strong remembrance of his kindness. He was attached to the arts of peace and to liberal studies, and was ambitious of honorable popularity, which he, indeed, sought by every kind of liberality and obligingness. Though he was slow, from suspicion, to serve some of his friends, yet he was exceedingly generous towards others, neglecting no opportunity to add to their riches and honors. He enacted many laws, some good and equitable, but most of them superfluous, and some severe."

23. 3047

    It is curious that there should be no critical edition of the collected works of so considerable a writer. A large portion of his works are, to be sure, included in Migne's Patrologia Latina, vol. 84, Paris, 1844; but this Opera Universa is neither wholly complete nor in any sense critical, and this seems to be the only attempt at a collection. The works enumerated here are mostly in the edition of Migne, but not all.

24. 3048

    There is of course more or less critical treatment of various letters in critical works on Donatism or Arianism or other special topics. Since writing the above, the exceedingly interesting analysis of sources for early Donatist history, by Seeck, in Briegers' Ztschr. f. Kirchenges., 1889, has been examined. He has, like Völter and Deutsch before him, admirable critical studies of certain letters. But a systematic critical study of the Constantinian letters as a whole seem to be still lacking.

25. 3049

    Literally "recently" or "not long since," and so it is rendered by Tr. 1709, Stroth, Molzberger, Valesius ("nuper"), and Portesius. Christophorson and Cousin avoid the awkwardness by circumlocution or simple omission, while our translator shows his one characteristic excellence of hitting nearly the unliteral meaning in a way which is hard to improve.

26. 3050

    The assembly referred to was the Council of Nicæa. Constantine's vicennial celebration was held at Nicomedia during the session of the Council at Nicæa (July 25), according to Hieronymus and others, but celebrated again at Rome the following year. The speech of Eusebius on this occasion is not preserved. Valesius thinks the one spoken of in the V. C. 3. 11, as delivered in the presence of the council, is the one referred to.

27. 3051

    This oration is the one appended by Eusebius to this Life of Constantine, and given in this translation (cf. V. C. 4. 46).

28. 3052

    [In the text it is ho logos, "my power of speech, or of description, much desires," and so throughout this preface: but this kind of personification seems scarcely suited to the English idiom.—Bag.] This usage of Logos is most interesting. Both he and his friend, the emperor, are fond of dwelling on the circles of philosophical thought which center about the word Logos (cf. the Oration of Constantine, and especially the Vicennial Oration of Eusebius). "My Logos desires" seems to take the place in ancient philosophical slang which "personality" or "self" does in modern. In ancient usage the word includes "both the ratio and the oratio" (Liddell and Scott), both the thought and its expression, both reasoning and saying,—the "internal" and "expressed" of the Stoics, followed by Philo and early Christian theology. He seems to use it in the combined sense, and it makes a pretty good equivalent for "personality," "my personality desires," &c. The idiom is kept up through the chapter.

29. 3053

    Constantine II., Constantius, and Constans proved on the whole sorry reflectors of glory.

30. 3054

    The first had been Cæsar more than twenty years; the second, ten; and the third, less than five.

31. 3055

    Referring to special honors paid after death, as mentioned in Bk. 4.

32. 3056

    Here there is play on the word Logos. My logos stands voiceless and a-logos, "un-logosed." If the author meant both to refer to expression, the first relates to the sound, and the second to the power of construction or composition. The interchangeableness of the weaving of consecutive thought in the mind, and the weaving it in expressed words, is precisely the question of the "relation of thought and language," so warmly contested by modern philosophers and philologians (cf. Müller, Science of Thought, Shedd's Essays, &c.). The old use of logos for both operations of "binding together" various ideas into one synthetical form has decided advantages.

33. 3057

    Here there is again the play on the word Logos. For Eusebius' philosophy of the logos, and of Christ as the Logos or Word, see the second half of his tricennial oration and notes.

34. 3058

    Compare Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum, which doubtless the author had in mind.

35. 3059

    [Kerochutou graphes, properly encaustic painting, by means of melted wax.—Bag] Compare admirable description of the process in the Century Dictionary, ed. Whitney, N.Y. 1889, v. 2.

36. 3060

    Kubeis, at first used of triangular tablets of wood, brass, or stone, but afterwards of any inscribed "pillars or tablets." Cf. Lexicons.

37. 3061

    Whether dexios is read or dexios, with Valesius, "present to aid," covers the idea better than "graciously present" (Molz).

38. 3062

    Compare discussion of length of reign and life under Life in Prolegomena, p. 411.

39. 3063

    'Gig?nton. The persecuting emperors appear to be meant, of whom there is more mention hereafter.—Bag.] Refers of course to the mythical Gigantes who fought against the gods. It is used in the same sense in which Æschylus uses it of Capaneus (Theb. 424), who defied Zeus in declaring that even his thunderbolts should not keep him out of Thebes.

40. 3064

    Compare the various wars against Franks, Bructerians, Goths, Sarmatians and others mentioned in Life in Prolegomena. Compare also chapter 8 of this book.

41. 3065

    [Such seems to be the probable meaning of this passage, which is manifestly corrupt, and of which various emendations have been proposed.—Bag.] Perhaps better paraphrased, "But since the test of blessedness lies not in this, but in his end, we look and find that this." The key to the idea is found in the remark near the end of chapter 11. Cf. also note.

42. 3066

    This is the account of Diodorus, who says he was taken prisoner and crucified by the queen of the "Scythians" (3. 11, ed. 1531, f. 80^b). Herodotus says that he was slain in battle, but his head cut off afterwards and dipped in a sack of blood by the queen Tomyris, who had rejected his suit, the death of whose son he had caused, and who had sworn to "give him his fill of blood" (Herod. Bk. I, §§205-214). Xenophon says he died quietly in bed (Cyrop. 8. 7).

43. 3067

    A malarial fever, but made fatal by drinking at a banquet (cf. Plut. chaps. 75 and 76, Arrian, Bk. 7).

44. 3068

    Eusebius' rhetorical purpose makes him unfair to Alexander, who certainly in comparison with others of his time brought relative blessing to the conquered (cf. Smith, Dict. I, p. 122).

45. 3069

    Toparchs or prefects.

46. 3070

    Ethnarchs.

47. 3071

    "The pillars of heaven."—Molz (?).

48. 3072

    The Bagster translation, following Valesius, divides the tenth chapter, making the eleventh begin at this point.

49. 3073

    It looks as if there might perhaps be a direct hit at Lactantius here, as having, through "enmity," described actions intrinsically base in peculiarly elegant diction; but Lactantius' descriptions are hardly more realistic than Eusebius' own.

50. 3074

    [Alluding probably to Ecclesiastes xi. 28, "Judge none blessed before his death; for a man shall be known in his children." Or, possibly, to the well-known opinion of Solon to the same effect. Vide Herod. i. 32; Aristot. Eth. Nicom. i. II.—Bag.] Compare also above, chapter 7.

51. 3075

    The persecuting emperors. Compare Prolegomena, Life.

52. 3076

    He was brought up with Diocletian and Galerius. Compare Prolegomena, Life.

53. 3077

    Constantius Chlorus, Neo-Platonist and philanthropist. Compare following description.

54. 3078

    The author of the chapter heading means of course Galerius. Maxentius was not emperor until after the death of Constantius.

55. 3079

    [Diocletian, Maximian, Galerius, and Constantius.—Bag.]

56. 3080

    For account of these persecutions, see Church History, Bk. 8, and notes of McGiffert.

57. 3081

    Compare the Church History, 8. 13, and Lactantius, De mort. pers. 15. The latter says he allowed buildings to be destroyed, but spared human life.

58. 3082

    Or the senior Augustus. "Diocletian is thus entitled in the ancient panegyrists and in inscriptions."—Heinichen. It was "towards the end of the second century of the Christian era" that there began to be a plurality of Augusti, but "from this time we find two or even a greater number of Augusti; and though in that and in all similar cases the persons honored with the title were regarded as participators of the imperial power, still the one who received the title first was looked upon as the head of the empire."—Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Ant.

59. 3083

    Compare accounts of martyrs in the palaces, in the Church History, 8. 6.

60. 3084

    "Is said to have" is added conjecturally here by an earlier editor, but Heinichen omits, as it would seem Eusebius himself did.

61. 3085

    Other readings are "with the others," or "with the rest," but in whatever reading it refers to all the other emperors.

62. 3086

    The persecution was in 303 or 304. Compare discussion of date in Clinton, Fasti Rom. ann. 303-305. The abdication was in 305.

63. 3087

    Eusebius uses the terms Augustus, king, autocrat, and Cæsar with a good deal of interchangeableness. It is hard to tell sometimes whether king (basileus) means emperor or Cæsar. In general, Augustus has been transferred in translations, and king and autocrat both rendered emperor, which seems to be his real usage.

64. 3088

    Constantine reached him just before his death, though possibly some weeks before. Compare Prolegomena.

65. 3089

    Diocletian and Galerius.

66. 3090

    Diocletian. He was on his way to Egypt in the famous campaign against Achilleus in 296-297.

67. 3091

    Or "psychical," meaning more than intellectual.

68. 3092

    Rather, perhaps, "self-control."

69. 3093

    Eusebius himself speaks in the plural, and other writers speak of plots by both Diocletian and Galerius. Compare Prolegomena.

70. 3094

    Compare detailed account in Lactantius, De M. P. c. 24.

71. 3095

    Basileus. The writer of the chapter headings uses this word here and Augustus in the following chapter, but it does not seem to mean technically "Cæsar," and so the rendering emperor is retained.

72. 3096

    This seems to imply that Constantine reached him only after he was sick in bed, i.e. at York in Britain; but other accounts make it probable that he joined him at Boulogne before he sailed on this last expedition to Britain. Compare Prolegomena.

73. 3097

    Literally, "than immortality [on earth]."

74. 3098

    It will hardly be agreed that imperial succession is a law of nature anyway. Rather, "the succession [where it exists] is established by the express will or the tacit consent of the nation," and the "pretended proprietary right...is a chimera" (Vattell, Law of Nations, Phila., 1867, p. 24, 25). That primogeniture is a natural law has been often urged, but it seems to be simply the law of first come first served. The English custom of primogeniture is said to have risen from the fact that in feudal times the eldest son was the one who, at the time of the father's death, was of an age to meet the duties of feudal tenure (compare Kent, Commentaries, Boston, 1867, v. 4, p. 420, 421). This is precisely the fact respecting Constantine. His several brothers were all too young to be thought of.

75. 3099

    The verdict was not confirmed at once. Galerius refused him the title of emperor, and he contented himself with that of Cæsar for a little. Compare Prolegomena.

76. 3100

    But he has done this himself in his Church History. Compare also Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum.

77. 3101

    The Franci, Bructeri, &c.

78. 3102

    [Eusebius here speaks of a second expedition of Constantine to Britain, which is not mentioned by other ancient writers; or he may have been forgetful or ignorant of the fact that Constantine had received the imperial authority in Britain itself, Constantius having died in his palace at York, a.d. 306. Vide Gibbon's Decline and Fall, chap. 14.—Bag.] It seems to be a part of the confusion about his crossing to Britain in the first place.

79. 3103

    Referring to the unsuccessful expeditions of Severus and Galerius.

80. 3104

    Compare chapters 36 and 37; also Lactantius, De M. P. chap. 44.

81. 3105

    Galerius.

82. 3106

    Severus.

83. 3107

    This last phrase has exercised the ingenuity of translators greatly. This translation does well enough, though one might hazard "was easily overcome by death," or "was an easy victim to death."