Eusebius: Constantine (part 1 of 3)

Notes

1. 3108

   Note here the care Eusebius takes to throw off the responsibility for the marvelous. It at the same time goes to show the general credibility of Eusebius, and some doubt in his mind of the exact nature and reality of what he records.

2. 3109

   This very circumstantial account has met with doubters from the very beginning, commencing with Eusebius himself. There are all sorts of explanations, from that of an actual miracle to that of pure later invention. The fact of some, at least supposed, special divine manifestation at this time can hardly be denied. It is mentioned vaguely by Paneg. 313, and on the triumphal arch shortly after. It is reported as a dream by Lactantius about the same time with the erection of the arch, and alluded to in general, but hardly to be doubted, terms by Nazarius in 321. Moreover, it is witnessed to by the fact of the standard of the cross which was made. As to the real nature of the manifestation, it has been thought to be as recorded by Constantine, and if so, as perhaps some natural phenomenon of the sun, or to have been a simple dream, or an hallucination. It is hardly profitable to discuss the possibilities. The lack of contemporary evidence to details and the description of Lactantius as a dream is fatal to any idea of a miraculous image with inscriptions clearly seen by all. Some cross-like arrangement of the clouds, or a "parahelion," or some sort of a suggestion of a cross, may have been seen by all, but evidently there was no definite, vivid, clear perception, or it would have been in the mouths of all and certainly recorded, or at least it would not have been recorded as something else by Lactantius. It seems probable that the emperor, thinking intensely, with all the weight of his great problem resting on his energetic mind, wondering if the Christian God was perhaps the God who could help, saw in some suggestive shape of the clouds or of sunlight the form of a cross, and there flashed out in his mind in intensest reality the vision of the words, so that for the moment he was living in the intensest reality of such a vision. His mind had just that intense activity to which such a thing is possible or actual. It is like Goethe's famous meeting of his own self. It is that genius power for the realistic representation of ideal things. This is not the same exactly as "hallucination," or even "imagination." The hallucination probably came later when Constantine gradually represented to himself and finally to Eusebius the vivid idea with its slight ground, as an objective reality,—a common phenomenon. When the emperor went to sleep, his brain molecules vibrating to the forms of his late intense thought, he inevitably dreamed, and dreaming naturally confirmed his thought. This does not say that the suggestive form seen, or the idea itself, and the direction of the dream itself, were not providential and the work of the Holy Spirit, for they were, and were special in character, and so miraculous (or why do ideas come?); but it is to be feared that Constantine's own spirit or something else furnished some of the later details. There is a slight difference of authority as to when and where the vision took place. The panegyrist seems to make it before leaving Gaul, and Malalas is inaccurate as usual in having it happen in a war against the barbarians. For farther discussion of the subject see monographs under Literature in the Prolegomena, especially under the names: Baring, Du Voisin, Fabricius, Girault, Heumann, Jacutius Mamachi, Molinet, St. Victor, Suhr, Toderini, Weidener, Wernsdorf, Woltereck. The most concise, clear, and admirable supporter of the account of Eusebius, or rather Constantine, as it stands, is Newman, Miracles (Lond. 1875), 271-286.

3. 3110

   [From the Bretagnic lab, to raise, or from labarva, which, in the Basque language, still signifies a standard.—Riddle's Lat. Dict. voc. Labarum. Gibbon declares the derivation and meaning of the word to be "totally unknown, in spite of the efforts of the critics, who have ineffectually tortured the Latin, Greek, Spanish, Celtic, Teutonic, Illyric, Armenian, &c., in search of an etymology."—Decline and Fall, chap. 22, note 33.—Bag.] Compare the full article of Venables, in Smith and Cheetham, Dict. 1 (1880), 908-911, with its references and cuts.

4. 3111

   Thus rather than "on." Compare cuts in article of Venables. "It [the monogram of Christ] is often set within a crown or palm branch."—Wolcott, Sacred Archæalogy, p. 390.

5. 3112

   [Chiazomenou tou rh kata to mesaitaton. The figure ChR would seem to answer to the description in the text. Gibbon gives two specimens, -R and ×R as engraved from ancient monuments. Chap. 20, note 35.—Bag.] The various coins given by Venables all have the usual form of the monogram ×R . Compare also Tyrwhitt, art. Monogram, in Smith and Cheetham; also the art. Monogramme du Christ, in Martigny, Dict. d. ant. (1877), 476-483.

6. 3113

   That this was no new invention of Constantine may be seen by comparing the following description of an ordinary Roman standard, "...each cohort had for its own ensign the serpent or dragon, which was woven on a square piece of cloth, elevated on a gilt staff, to which a cross-bar was adapted for the purpose...under the eagle or other emblem was often placed a head of the reigning emperor." Yates, art. Signa militaria, in Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Ant. (1878), 1044-1045.

7. 3114

   "Which in its full extent was of great length."—Bag., according to suggestion of Valesius of a possible meaning, but better as above, meaning the part below the cross-bar. So Valesius, Christopherson, 1709, Molzberger.

8. 3115

   "Medallions."—Venables.

9. 3116

   Both Socrates (5. 17) and Sozomen (7. 15) relate that symbols of the cross found in a temple of Serapis, on its destruction by Theodosius, were explained by the Christians of the time as symbols of immortality. Cf. also Suidas (ed. Gasiford, 2 (1834), 3398), s. v. Stauroi; Valesius on Socrates and Sozomen; Jablonski, Opuscula, 1, p. 156- . The study of the pre-christian use of the cross is most suggestive. It suggests at least that in some way the passion of our Lord was the realization of some world-principle or "natural Law."

10. 3117

    Compare the Church History, 8. 14.

11. 3118

    Maxentius, made emperor by an uprising of the Prætorian Guards in 306.

12. 3119

    "For" seems to express the author's real meaning, but both punctuation of editors and renderings of translators insist on "but."

13. 3120

    Various readings of text add "lawfully married" women, and send them back again "grievously dishonored," and so Bag., but Heinichen has this reading. Compare note of Heinichen.

14. 3121

    This chapter is found almost word for word in the Church History, 8. 14.

15. 3122

    1709, Molz. &c., add "nor anywhere else," but Bag. is undoubtedly right in translating simply "ever before." The chapter is found substantially and in part word for word in the Church History, 8. 14.

16. 3123

    "Because the soothsayers had foretold that if he went out of it, he should perish." Lact. De M. P.

17. 3124

    Bag.adds "and numberless ambuscades," following Valesius and 1709. The word so rendered is the word for "companies of soldiers." The rather awkward "multitude of heavy-armed soldiers and myriads of companies of soldiers" may be rendered as above, although "larger bodies of soldiers and limitless supplies" suggested by the translation is perhaps the real meaning. He had both "men and means."

18. 3125

    At Sigusium, Turin, Brescia, and Verona.

19. 3126

    The Milvian, the present Ponte Molle.

20. 3127

    The present Ponte Molle is nearly 2½ kilometers (say 1½ miles) from the Porta del Popolo (at the Mons Pincius). The walls at that time were the ones built by Aurelian, and are substantially the same as the present ones. This Pons Milvius was first built 100 years b.c., and "some part of the first bridge is supposed to remain" (Jenkin, p. 329). Compare Jenkin, art. Bridges, in Enc. Brit. 4 (1878), 329, for cut and description.

21. 3128

    Ex. xv. 4. This is identically taken from the Septuagint with the change of only one word, where Eusebius gains little in exchanging "swallowed up in" for plunged or drowned in.

22. 3129

    "Heavy armed and light armed."

23. 3130

    Ex. xv. 5.

24. 3131

    "Godless," or if aneuis to be read, "destitute of his aid," as Bag. Much conjecture has been expended on this reading. Heinichen has atheei.

25. 3132

    Ps. vii. 15, 16, Septuagint translation.

26. 3133

    This matter is discussed in the Prolegomena.

27. 3134

    Ex. xv. 10.

28. 3135

    Ex. xv. 1, 2, 11, Septuagint version. This whole chapter with the last paragraph of the preceding are in the Church History, 9. 9.

29. 3136

    Compare Prolegomena under Character, and also for other accounts of the universal joy under Life.

30. 3137

    Compare the Church History, 9. 9. If it be true, as Crusè says, that in this inscription there are traces of the Latin original, it gives a strong presumption that Eusebius was quoting a really existing inscription and accordingly that it is genuine. If so, of course the probability of the vision of the cross is greatly increased.

31. 3138

    "Oratories," or chapels.

32. 3139

    Variously rendered, but seems to say that the smaller buildings were enlarged and the larger ones enriched. The number of buildings which Constantine is claimed to have erected in Rome alone is prodigious. One meets at every turn in the modern city churches which were, it is said, founded or remodeled by him. For interesting monograph which claims to have established the Constantinian foundation of many of these, see Ciampini in Prolegomena, under Literature.

33. 3140

    So usually rendered literally, "to those who came to him from without," but it might rather mean "foreigners." His generosity included not only the worthy poor citizens, but foreigners and beggars.

34. 3141

    The word used is the koinonia, familiar in the doctrine of the "communion" or "fellowship" of the saints. It has the notion of reciprocity and mutual sharing.

35. 3142

    The popular proverb that at the end of his life he was a spendthrift, as given by Victor, represents the other side of this liberality. Compare Prolegomena, under Character.

36. 3143

    Constantine, like Eusebius himself, would be a distinct "tolerationist" in modern theological controversy. One may imagine that Eusebius entered into favor with Constantine in this way. It commends itself to our feeling; but after all, the unyielding Athanasius was a greater man than Eusebius.

37. 3144

    Compare Prolegomena, under Life and Works.

38. 3145

    [This passage in the text is defective or corrupt.—Bag.] What is given is substantially the conventional translation of Valesius, Heinichen, Molzberger, and with some variation, 1709 and Bag. It is founded, however, on a conjectural reading, and reluctating against this, a suggestion may be hazarded—"an excessive philanthropy for the folly of the insane, even to the point of sympathy for them."

39. 3146

    Some read "unbroken" or "perfect."

40. 3147

    There is long discussion of whether Maximian or Maximin is intended. To any one who compares the order of narration in the Church History, 9. 9, 11, the discussion will seem idle, though it is curious that the one most jealous and greedy of power should have been mistaken for one of the abdicators. It seems as if there had been some confusion in the mind of Eusebius himself.

41. 3148

    Unburnt offerings, meat offerings.

42. 3149

    Licinius married in 313 Constantia, sister of Constantine.

43. 3150

    Thus generally following the Church History (10. 8).

44. 3151

    This rendering of Bag. is really a gloss from the Church History, 10. 8. Compare rendering of McGiffert. Molzberger renders "and left him in complete possession of the portions of the kingdom which had fallen to his lot."

45. 3152

    Perhaps "synods or councils and conferences on economic matters."

46. 3153

    Compare Church History, 10. 9.

47. 3154

    Compare Church History, 10. 9, and the same for the following chapters, in parts or whole.

48. 3155

    [Galerius Maximian. The description of his illness and death in the next chapter is repeated from the author's Ecclesiastical History, Bk. 8, c. 16.—Bag.] Compare translation of McGiffert, p. 338, and note; also Lactantius, De M. P. c. 33.

49. 3156

    Compare edict in the Church History, 8. 17.

50. 3157

    Licinius.

51. 3158

    [Maximin, ruler of the Eastern provinces of the empire.—Bag.]

52. 3159

    He was defeated by Licinius, who had much inferior forces. Compare Prolegomena, under Life, and references.

53. 3160

    Literally, "the flatterers and time-servers about him."

54. 3161

    Or "openly."

55. 3162

    [The reading in the text is touton, but should be p?nton, of all Christians, as it is in Hist. Eccles. Bk. 10, c. 8, from which this passage is almost verbally taken.—Bag.]

56. 3163

    This seems to intend some exoneration of Constantine, explaining why he was what the heathen called "faithless" towards Licinius.

57. 3164

    Soothsayers and priests. These were technically "augurs" and "haruspices." Compare for their functions the articles Augur, Divinatio, and Haruspices, in Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Ant.

58. 3165

    Literally, "shield-bearers," but here relates to a chosen body of guards, as in the Macedonian army. Compare Liddell and Scott, Lex. s.v. hupaspistes

59. 3166

    The whole passage seems altogether too appropriate to receive ready credence; but it is worth noting here how Eusebius "quotes his authors," and seems to give the thing for what it is worth, keeping perhaps the same modicum of reservation for the hearers' relative imagination and memory, when relating after the events, that the modern reader does.

60. 3167

    [Licinius was suspected of having secretly countenanced Bassianus (who had married Constantine's sister Anastasia, and received the rank of Cæsar) in a treasonable conspiracy. Vide Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. 14.—Bag.] Compare Prolegomena, under Life.

61. 3168

    Or "remedy"; i.e. that which keeps off harm.

62. 3169

    [P?lin, "again," alluding to the former miracle, the vision of the cross, which Eusebius does not venture to attest himself, but relates on the word and oath of Constantine. Vide Bk. 1, cc. 28 and 30.—Bag.]

63. 3170

    "Slaves," a word which has frequently been used by Eusebius in this literal sense.

64. 3171

    This idiom here is nearly the English, "followed on the heels" of any one.

65. 3172

    Ex. ix. 12.

66. 3173

    [This tabernacle, which Constantine always carried with him in his military expeditions, is described by Sozomen, Bk. 1, c. 8: see English translation.—Bag.]

67. 3174

    [Alluding to Ex. xxxiii. 7, &c.—Bag.]

68. 3175

    ["He consented to leave his rival, or, as he again styled Licinius, his friend and brother, in the possession of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt; but the provinces of Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece, were yielded to the Western empire, and the dominions of Constantine now extended from the confines of Caledonia to the extremity of Peloponnesus."—Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. XIV.—Bag.]

69. 3176

    [Gibbon (chap. XIV.) says that the reconciliation of Constantine and Licinius maintained, above eight years, the tranquillity of the Roman world. If this be true, it may be regarded as one proof that our author's work is rather to be considered as a general sketch of Constantine's life and character than as a minutely correct historical document.—Bag.] There is either a strange lack of perspective in this account, or else Eusebius omits all account of the first wars with Licinius (314) which resulted in the division of territory mentioned in the above note. This latter view is plausible on comparison with the account in the Church History. In this view the conditions referred to above relate to the terms on which Licinius was spared on Constantia's request, and what follows is the explanation of the alleged oath-breaking of Constantine in putting Licinius to death.

70. 3177

    "With one shout and charge." This does not agree with the account of the final struggle by which Licinius came into Constantine's power, as generally given, and lends some probability to the view that after he had been captured he again revolted.

71. 3178

    Like very many other things which Eusebius tells of Constantine, that which was entirely customary with other emperors as well as Constantine has the appearance of being peculiar to him. Victor is a common title of various emperors.

72. 3179

    [In the gynæcia (gunaikeia), or places where women, and subsequently slaves of both sexes, were employed in spinning and weaving for the emperor. Vide infra, ch. 34.—Bag.] See note on ch. 34.

73. 3180

    "The value of our narrative" is the rendering of Molzberger. "The powerfulness of his language."—1709.

74. 3181

    Compare Epitome in Sozomen, 1. 8.

75. 3182

    There is a curious unanimity of effort on the part of theological amateurs, ancient and modern, to prove that those upon whom the tower in Siloam fell were guiltier than others. This was the spirit of Lactantius and it is not to be wondered at that Constantine should adopt such a peculiarly self-satisfying doctrine.

76. 3183

    Compare Lactantius, On the deaths of the persecutors (De M. P.), and the Church History of Eusebius.

77. 3184

    Literally "beneath the earth," referring of course to the Græco-Roman conception of Hades.

78. 3185

    ["I said, under the guidance," &c. It seems necessary to supply some expression of this kind, in order to preserve the sense, which is otherwise interrupted by the division (in this instance, at least, manifestly improper) into chapters.—Bag.]

79. 3186

    Glossed by Molzberger as "political dishonor."

80. 3187

    In the Greek houses there were separate suites for men and women. Compare article Domus, in Smith, Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Antiq.

81. 3188

    [That is, the free subject of inferior rank, accustomed to labor for his subsistence, but not to the degradation of slavery.]

82. 3189

    [This seems to be the subscription or signature in the emperor's own handwriting, which is referred to at the end of ch. 23.—Bag.]

83. 3190

    [That is, the proconsuls, the vicars (or vice-præfects), and counts, or provincial generals.—Bag.]

84. 3191

    [The power of the four Prætorian Præfects in the time of Constantine is thus described by Gibbon: "1. The Præfect of the East stretched his ample jurisdiction into the three parts of the globe which were subject to the Romans, from the cataracts of the Nile to the banks of the Phasis, and from the mountains of Thrace to the frontiers of Persia. 2. The important provinces of Pannonia, Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece once acknowledged the authority of the Præfect of Illyricum. 3. The power of the Præfect of Italy was not confined to the country from whence he derived his title; it extended over the additional territory of Rhætia as far as the banks of the Danube, over the dependent islands of the Mediterranean, and over that part of the continent of Africa which lies between the confines of Cyrene and those of Tingitania. 4. The Præfect of the Gauls comprehended under that plural denomination the kindred provinces of Britain and Spain, and his authority was obeyed from the wall of Antoninus to the fort of Mount Atlas."—Decline and Fall, chap. 17.—Bag.]

85. 3192

    [That is, private sacrifices: for it appears that the idolatrous temples were allowed to be open for public worship.—Bag.]

86. 3193

    [Licinius, thus designated for the subtlety of his character.—Bag.] More probably for his wickedness, and perhaps with thought of the "dragon" of the Book of Revelation. The word is dr?kon, not ophis. It is the latter which is used in the LXX, where the English version speaks of the serpent as the "subtlest." For historical and symbolical use of the words, compare Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship (Lond., 1874), and Conway, Demonology and Devil Lore (N.Y., 1879, 2 v.).

87. 3194

    Or "fixed," "appointed."

88. 3195

    By a conjectural reading Stroth makes this "fools," instead of "useless," and renders, "For fools would not otherwise recognize the charm of virtue."

89. 3196

    [The remark of Valesius in reference to the difficulty of this chapter appears probable; viz. that it is partly to be attributed to Constantine's own want of clearness, and partly to his translator, who has rendered obscure Latin into still more obscure Greek.—Bag.]

90. 3197

    The word means "having no share with," and sometimes "disinherited." It may perhaps mean, "I have been accustomed to think of the former emperors as having been deprived of their possessions on account," &c.

91. 3198

    [The persecution of the Christians, with its attendant horrors, being the act, not of foreign enemies, but of their countrymen and fellow-citizens.—Bag.]

92. 3199

    This is translated by Molzberger, "Therefore the priests let their hair hang down," &c.

93. 3200

    sophrosune

94. 3201

    Compare, on all this, the Church History and notes, and also the Prolegomena to this work.

95. 3202

    Or "groves."

96. 3203

    [Onper kata phusin dedokas. The clause is thus rendered by Valesius: "Nos splendidissimam domum veritatis tuæ, quam nascentibus nobis donasti, retinemus." This seems almost as unintelligible as the original. The translation above attempted yields, perhaps, a sense not inconsistent with the general scope of the passage.—Bag.] 1709 renders "according to nature." Molzberger has "through no merit on our part." Stroth renders "characteristically" or "as our own natural possession" (i.e. eigenthümlich), and is confirmed by Heinichen, while Christophorson has "natura" and Portesius "a natura." The last is the best translation "by nature." As a matter of interpretation Bagster is probably wrong and Stroth substantially right. Whether Constantine had the Epistle to the Romans in mind or not, he had the same thought as Paul that men "by nature" have the "truth of God," but exchange this for a lie (Rom. i. 25; ii. 14; cf. xi. 21 and 24). This suggests, however, another possible meaning, that the truth is known "through the things that are made" (Rom. i. 20). For various philosophical usages of phusis, compare interesting note in Grant, Ethics of Aristotle, 1 (Lond. 1885), 483, 484.

97. 3204

    Probably meaning rains.

98. 3205

    [Constantine seems here to allude to the Gentile deities as powers of evil, capable, if unrestrained by a superior power, of working universal ruin.—Bag.]

99. 3206

    The editorial "we" used by Bag. throughout these edicts has been retained, although the first person singular is employed throughout in the original.

100. 3207

     For literature relating to Arianism, compare Literature at the end of article by Schaff, in Smith and Wace, Dict. 1 (1877), 159, and in the Schaff-Herzog Encyclopædia, 1, p. 137.

101. 3208

     "Demoniacal." 1709 renders "diabolical."

102. 3209

     It was at Alexandria that the controversy with Arius arose. He was called to account by Alexander of Alexandria who summoned one council and then another, at which Arius and his followers were excommunicated.

103. 3210

     [The Melitians, or Meletians, an obscure Egyptian sect, of whom little satisfactory is recorded.—Bag.] Compare Blunt, Dict. of Sects, Heresies, &c. (1874), 305-308.

104. 3211

     [Hosius, bishop of Cordova.—Bag.] Hosius had already been for some time a trusted adviser, having acted for Constantine also in the Donatist matters. Compare on Hosius the full article of Morse in Smith and Wace.

105. 3212

     By "acting as umpire."

106. 3213

     [Licinius, whose prohibition of synods is referred to in Bk. 1, ch. 51. The disputes here mentioned are those between the Catholic Christians and the Donatists, a very violent sect which sprung up in Africa after the persecution by Diocletian.—Bag.]

107. 3214

     [Africa: alluding to the schism of the Donatists.—Bag.]

108. 3215

     Or "mutual."

109. 3216

     [The word nomos seems to be commonly used by Eusebius as a general term for Divine revelation; as we employ the word "Scripture."—Bag.]

110. 3217

     The plain English "stuck to" represents the idea of Heinichen (animo infixisses infixumque teneres) followed by Molz (mit unkluger Hartnäckigkeit festhieltest). Bag. had "gave utterance to," and with this Vales., 1709, and Str. correspond.

111. 3218

     Bag.,"The meeting of the synod was prohibited."

112. 3219

     On "forgiveness."

113. 3220

     Rendered "forbearance" above.

114. 3221

     [The emperor seems at this time to have had a very imperfect knowledge of the errors of the Arian heresy. After the Council of Nice, at which he heard them fully explained, he wrote of them in terms of decisive condemnation in his letter to the Alexandrian church. Vide Socrates' Eccles. Hist., Bk. 1, ch. 9.—Bag.] Neither at this time nor at any time does Constantine seem to have entered very fully into an appreciation of doctrinal niceties. Later he was more than tolerant of semi-Arianism. He seems to have depended a good deal on the "explanations" of others, and to have been led in a somewhat devious path in trying to follow all.

115. 3222

     [Hosius of Cordova, mentioned above, ch. 63.—Bag.]

116. 3223

     Compare contrast with the other emperors in Prolegomena, under Life.

117. 3224

     Eusebius expressly states that Constantine's words had little result in conversion. It is meant here that the success of one who relied on God itself proved the vanity of idols.

118. 3225

     This may perhaps mean "ordered to be inscribed" or "wrote it to be his safeguard." This form of Bag. is a satisfactory paraphrase.

119. 3226

     Their bindings were adorned with precious stones according to Cedrenus. Compare Prolegomena, Character, Magnificence.

120. 3227

     [Politeuton andron, here, apparently, the Decurions, who formed the corporations of the cities, and were subject to responsible and burdensome offices. Vide Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. 17.—Bag.] So Valesius maintains, and has been generally if not universally followed. Though it might be overventuresome to change the translation therefore, it befits the sense better and suits the words admirably to apply to the different classes, Peregrini and Cives. This distinction did not fully pass away until the time of Justinian (Long, art. Civitas, in Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Ant.), and it seems certain that Eusebius meant this.

121. 3228

     This above is a sort of resumé of the life of Constantine. For illustration of the various facts mentioned, compare the latter part of the Church History and the various acts and documents in this Life. Compare also Prolegomena, under Life, and especially under Character. It seems now and then to be like a little homily on the glory of having the shoe on the other foot—the glory of having done to others what others had done to them.

122. 3229

     Note the explicit testimony of Eusebius here, and compare Prolegomena, under Religious Characteristics.

123. 3230

     Especially the book of Revelation, and Isaiah as quoted below.

124. 3231

     [Literally, by encaustic painting. See Bk. 1, ch. 3, note.—Bag.]

125. 3232

     Isa. xxvii. 1. This is not taken from the Septuagint translation, as it corresponds with the Hebrew against the LXX. It differs in the word used for "terrible," and none of the editions (or at least not the Vatican, Holmes and Parsons, Van Ess, or Tischendorf) and none of the mss. cited by Holmes and Parsons, have the phrase "in the sea" as the Hebrew. Grabe has this latter as various reading (ed. Bagster, 16º, p. 74), but there is hardly a possibility that it is the true reading.

126. 3233

     The famous rocks in the Euxine which were wont to close against one another and crush all passing ships, and by which the Argo was said (Od. 12. 69) to be the only ship which ever passed in safety.

127. 3234

     For endless literature of the Paschal controversy, compare articles in all the religious encyclopædias, especially perhaps Steitz, in the Schaff-Herzog; and for history and discussion of the question itself, see Hensley's art. Easter, in Smith and Cheetham, Dict.

128. 3235

     By some this phrase is joined to the preceding paragraph,—strangers..."in this as in other respects," and so Bag. translates, but the division followed here is that of Hein.

129. 3236

     "Beasts of burden."

130. 3237

     The probably apocryphal version of the summoning letter given by Cowper (Syr. Misc.) from the Syriac gives the reason of the choice of Nicæa, "the excellent temperature of the air" there.

131. 3238

     The standard work on councils is Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, available to the English reader in the translation of Clark, Oxenham, &c. (Edinb. 1872 sq.), a work so thoroughly fundamental that a general reference to it will serve as one continuous note to matters relating to the councils held under Constantine.

132. 3239

     = Africa.

133. 3240

     It is noted that this evidence of the presence of foreign bishops—"missionary bishops," so to speak—is confirmed by Gelasius and also by the roll of the members.

134. 3241

     [Hosius of Cordova.—Bag.]

135. 3242

     [It has been doubted whether Rome or Constantinople is here intended. The authority of Sozomen and others is in favor of the former. See English translation, published as one volume of this series.—Bag.] Also in this series.

136. 3243

     Acts ii. 5sqq.

137. 3244

     The number present is given variously as three hundred (Socrates), three hundred and eighteen (Athanasius, &c.), two hundred and seventy (Theodoret), or even two thousand (cf. Hefele). It has been conjectured that the variation came from the omission of names of the Arians (cf. note of Heinichen, Vol. 3, p. 506-507), or that it varied during the two months and more.

138. 3245

     This is the way it is interpreted by Sozomen, 1, 17. The phrase, which is literally "of middling character," is translated by Molz. and others as if it meant "mild" or "modest," as if it referred in some way to the doctrine of the mean.

139. 3246

     [Hence it seems probable that this was the last day of the Council; the entire session of which occupied more than two months, and which was originally held in a church.—Bag.] The exact dates of the Council are controverted, but it seems that it ended August 25, having probably begun June 14.

140. 3247

     Compare Prolegomena, under Physical and Mental Characteristics.

141. 3248

     [The authority of Sozomen and other writers seems to decide that this was Eusebius himself.—Bag.]

142. 3249

     The earnest desire of Constantine to promote peace in the church makes one judge with leniency the rather arbitrary and very mechanical method he often took to secure it. As over against the unity of form or the unity of compromise, there is one only real unity—a unity in the truth, being one in the Truth. The secret of peace is reason with right.

143. 3250

     The extant signatures are of doubtful authenticity. Compare Hefele, p. 269.

144. 3251

     Compare Prolegomena, Life.

145. 3252

     At the risk of seeming trivial in sober and professedly condensed annotation, one cannot help noting that the human nature of ancient and modern councils is the same,—much controversy and more or less absenteeism, but all present at dinner.

146. 3253

     For notice of these couches, see Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Ant., article Lectica.

147. 3254

     [The idea seems to be (as explained by Valesius) that if they joined the Jews in celebrating this feast they would seem to consent to their crime in crucifying the Lord.—Bag.] He carried out his reprobation of the Jews in his actions in discriminating laws at least, and perhaps in actual persecution.

148. 3255

     ['Anchinoia. This word is one of a class of expressions frequently used by Eusebius, and which, being intended as titles of honor, like "Excellency," &c., should, where possible, be thus rendered. In the present instance it is applied to the heads of the churches collectively.—Bag.] More probably in this case it is not the title, but means "your sagacity."

149. 3256

     Rather "sagacity" and "wisdom."

150. 3257

     Rather "sagacity" and "wisdom."

151. 3258

     [Valesius explains this as referring to the conduct of the Jews in professing to acknowledge God as their king, and yet denying him by saying, "We have no king but Cæsar."—Bag.]

152. 3259

     This Hein. regards as the correct meaning, although "equally valid," or "authoritative," has been regarded as possible.

153. 3260

     Or "such were the injunctions which the emperor laid especially on their consciences."

154. 3261

     Continuation of the Arian controversy.

155. 3262

     On the site of the sepulchre, compare Besant, Sepulchre, the Holy, in Smith and Cheetham, 2 (1880), 1881-1888. He discusses (a) Is the present site that fixed upon by the officers of Constantine? and (b) Was that site certainly or even probably the true spot where our Lord was buried? Compare also reports of the Palestine Exploration Fund Survey, Jerusalem, 1884, p. 429-435 (Conder).

156. 3263

     [Licinius appears to be meant, whose death had occurred a.d. 326, in which year the alleged discovery of the Lord's sepulchre took place.—Bag.]

157. 3264

     The word used is the technical "camera," meaning properly a certain style of vaulted ceiling, but here it is perhaps the generic ceiling if the specific word below means panel ceiling.

158. 3265

     This is the word for the Lacunaria or panel ceilings, a style of ceiling where "planks were placed across these beams at certain intervals leaving hollow spaces" "which were frequently covered with gold and ivory and sometimes with paintings." Compare article Domus, in Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Ant. The passage may mean either "with respect to the ceiling...whether...wainscoted" or "with respect to the Camera...whether panel ceiled."

159. 3266

     [Apparently referring (says Valesius) to Rev. xxi. 2: "And I, John, saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down from God, out of heaven" &c.; an extraordinary, nay, almost ludicrous application of Scripture, though perhaps characteristic of the author's age.—Bag.] And it may be said characteristic of Eusebius himself, for it is not his only sin in this regard.

160. 3267

     It would seem from this description that the paneling was like that of Santa Maria Maggiore at Rome, a horizontal surface rather than the pointed roof paneled.

161. 3268

     Whether this means two series, one underground and one above (Molz. and many), or not, is fully discussed by Heinichen in a separate note (Eusebius, vol. 3, p. 520-521).

162. 3269

     [These inner porticos seem to have rested on massy piles, because they adjoined the sides of the church, and had to bear its roof, which was loftier than any of the rest.—Bag.] Translated by Molz. "Quadrangular supports." "In Architecture a cubic mass of building, to serve for bearings."—Liddell and Scott.

163. 3270

     [Apparently the altar, which was of a hemispherical, or rather hemicylindrical form—Bag.] Also a much-discussed question. Compare Heinichen, vol. 3, p. 521-522.

164. 3271

     [In front of the larger churches there was generally a street, or open space, where a market was held on the festival of the Martyr to whom the church was dedicated. Regard was also had, in this arrangement, to architectural effect, the object being that nothing should interfere with the view of the front of the church. Vide Valesius in loc.—Bag.]

165. 3272

     Some idea of various features of this building may be gathered from the cuts and descriptions of other basilicas in Fergusson, History of Architecture, 1 (1874), 400 sq.; Lübke, Geschichte der Architektur, 1 (Lpg. 1875), 229 sq.; Langl.'s series of Bilder zur Geschichte, &c.

166. 3273

     Compare Prolegomena, p. 411.

167. 3274

     Compare Wordsworth, Helena, in Smith and Wace, Dict. 2 (1880), 881 sq. That she was made empress is shown also by the coins. Cf. coins in Eckhel.

168. 3275

     [Ps. cxxxi. 7. Septuagint.—Bag.] Engl. Vers. Ps. cxxxii. 7, "We will worship at his footstool."

169. 3276

     [Literally, beneath the earth. It seems to have been characteristic of the age of Eusebius to invest the more prominent circumstances connected with the Lord's life on earth with a degree of romance and mystery equally inconsistent with Scripture and with probability. It is obvious that Scripture furnishes no authority for the caves either of the nativity or ascension. See ch. 41, supra.—Bag.] Compare discussion by Andrews, Cave of the Nativity in his Life of our Lord (N.Y.), 77-83.

170. 3277

     [Alluding probably, to the discourse in Matt. xxiv., delivered by our Lord to the disciples on the Mount of Olives.—Bag.]

171. 3278

     According to some apocryphal accounts Constantine owed his conversion to his mother (compare the apocryphal letters mentioned under Writings, in the Prolegomena), but Eusebius, below (ch. 47), seems to reverse the fact.

172. 3279

     [These words seem to savor of Origen's doctrine, to which Eusebius was much addicted. Origen believed that, in the resurrection, bodies would be changed into souls, and souls into angels, according to the testimony of Jerome. See Valesius in loc.—Bag.]

173. 3280

     The date of Helena's death is usually placed in 327 or 328. Compare Wordsworth, l.c. Since she was eighty years old at the time of her death she must have been about twenty-five when Constantine was born.

174. 3281

     Compare note above. It is said (Wordsworth) that while silver and copper coins have been found with her name, none of gold have yet come to light.

175. 3282

     Perhaps the largest "panel." The restored church of St. Paul, outside the walls at Rome, has a paneled ceiling with a very large central panel.

176. 3283

     [Nicomedia, where Constantine had besieged Licinius, and compelled him to surrender; in memory of which event he built this church.—Bag.]

177. 3284

     This doctrine, which appears again and again in Eusebius and in Constantine, has a curiously interesting bearing at present theological controversies in America, and England for that matter. It may be called the doctrine of the "eternal Christ," as over against the doctrine of the "essential Christ," or that which seems to make his existence begin with his incarnation—the "historical Christ." He had historical existence from the beginning, both as the indwelling and as the objective, and one might venture to think that advocates of these two views could find a meeting-ground, or solution of difficulty at least, in this phrase which represents him who was in the beginning with God and is and ever shall be, who has made all things which have been made, and is in all parts of the universe and the world, among Jews and Gentiles.

178. 3285

     [The English version in this passage (Gen. xviii. 1), and others, has "plains," though the Septuagint and ancient interpreters generally render it, as here, by "oak," some by "terebinth" (turpentine tree), the Vulgate by "convallis."—Bag.] The Revised Version (1881-1885) has "oaks."

179. 3286

     The writer of this history says the letter was addressed to him, while it is really to Macarius. On this ground the Eusebian authorship of the book has been challenged, but of course Eusebius is among "the rest of the bishops."

180. 3287

     [Eutropia, mother of his empress Fausta.—Bag.]

181. 3288

     [These objects of idolatrous worship were probably figures intended to represent the angels who had appeared to Abraham.—Bag.] More probably they were some form of images obscenely worshiped.

182. 3289

     Better "Reverences," and so throughout.

183. 3290

     [On the coast of Cilicia, near Issus.—Bag.]

184. 3291

     [By Jupiter, for restoring Hippolytus to life, at Diana's request.—Bag.]

185. 3292

     Through another reading translated by Val., 1709, Bag., "stolen by impostors." Stroth has "impiously employed for magicians arts."

186. 3293

     Phil. i. 18. But "is preached," not "let Christ be preached."

187. 3294

     "Believed to have been Strategus Musonius" (Venables).

188. 3295

     [Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, whose deposition, on the ground of a charge of immorality, by the partisans of Eusebius of Nicomedia, had occasioned the disturbances alluded to in the text.—Bag.] There is a view that this whole trouble was the result of an intrigue of Eusebius to get the better of Eustathius, who was in a sense a rival. Compare for very vigorous expression of this view, Venables, Eustathius of Antioch, in Smith and Wace, Dict.

189. 3296

     This is rather literal, and the paraphrase of Molz. may be better, "no foreign bishops."

190. 3297

     To the various and controverted translations of this passage it may be ventured to add one, "we ourselves desire your judgment to be fortified by good counsels."

191. 3298

     The other point of view has been alluded to. It seems on the face of it, in this unanimous endorsement by the church, as if Eusebius had had the right of it in his quarrel with Eustathius; but on the other hand, it is to be remembered that this wonderful harmony in the church had come about from the fact that Eustathius and all who sympathized with him had withdrawn, and only the party of Eusebius was left. It would be like a "unanimous" vote in Parliament with all the opposition benches empty. The endorsement of his own party does not count for much.

192. 3299

     [Alluding to the deposition of Eustathius, who had been charged with the crime of seduction. The reader who consults the original of this chapter, especially the latter part of it, may judge of the difficulty of eliciting any tolerable sense from an obscure, and possibly corrupted, text.—Bag.] The translator (Bag.) shows ingenuity in this extracting of the general sense from the involved Greek of the writing of Constantine or the translation as it supposably is. But the very fact of the obscurity shown in this and in his oration alike is conclusive against any thought that the literary work ascribed to Constantine was written by Eusebius.

193. 3300

     Canon 15 (or 14) of the "Apostolical Canons." Cf. ed. Bruns. 1 (Berol. 1839), 3.

194. 3301

     The word has thus generally been rendered by Bag., and does probably refer to their official title, although in this case and occasionally he translates "friends."

195. 3302

     [George (afterwards bishop of Laodicea) appears to have been degraded from the office of presbyter on the ground of impiety, by the same bishop who had ordained him. Both George and Euphronius were of the Arian party, of which fact it is possible that Constantine was ignorant.—Bag.] Georgius was at one time or another Arian, semi-Arian, and Anomoean, and is said to have been called by Athanasius "the most wicked of all the Arians" (Venables in Smith and Wace, Dict. 2. 637). He was constantly pitted against Eustathius, which accounts for his appearance at this time. Euphronius was the one chosen at this time. Compare Bennett, Euphronius, in Smith and Wace, Dict. 2. 297.

196. 3303

     [Matt. vii. 15, 16.] Quoted perhaps from memory, or else this text is defective, for this reads, "will come" where all N.T. mss. have "come."

197. 3304

     Sufficiently good general accounts of these various heresies may be found in Blunt. Dict. of Sects, Heresies, Ecclesiastical Parties, and Schools of Religious Thought, Lond. 1874, p. 382-389, Novatians; p. 612-614, Valentinians; p. 296-298, Marcionites; p. 515-517, Samosatenes (Paulians); p. 336-341, Montanists (Cataphrygians). Or see standard Encyclopædias.

198. 3305

     There is throughout this Life a curious repetition in the details of action against heretics of precisely the same things which Christians complained of as having been done to them. The idea of toleration then seems to have been much as it was in pre-reformation times, or, not to judge other times when there is a beam in our own eye, as it is in America and England to-day,—the largest toleration for every one who thinks as we do, and for the others a temporary suspension of the rule to "judge not," with an amended prayer, "Lord, condemn them, for they know not what they do," and a vigorous attempt to force the divine judgment.

199. 3306

     Here again it is worth noting, for history and for edification, that books were prohibited and heretics treated just as the Christians did not like to "be done by," by the heathen.

200. 3307

     This famous "church unity," for which Constantine has been blessed or execrated, as the case might be, in all the ages since, was hardly more complete than modern unified churches where all the members held different pet doctrines and are prepared to fight for them to the bitter end.

201. 3308

     Compare Prolegomena, under Character, for the criticism of this conduct from those who viewed it from another point of view.

202. 3309

     For directly contrary account of his taxations, compare Prolegomena, under Character.

203. 3310

     In reality it may have been less childish than Eusebius makes it appear, for it probably refers to cases where it was a matter of just equalization of claims, where each party thought his claim just.

204. 3311

     [Probably the Goths are meant, as in Socrates' Eccles. Hist. Bk. I. ch. 18.—Bag.] Compare for his Gothic wars, references in Prolegomena, under Life.

205. 3312

     To the number of 300,000, according to Anonymus Valesianus. This was in the year 334.

206. 3313

     [Aiphiopas, toi dichtha dedaiatai, ?schatoi andron, Hoi men dusomenou huperionos, hoi d' aniontos.—Odyss. 1. 23, 24.—Bag.]

207. 3314

     Sapor II. (310-381) called the Great, one of the Sassanidæ and afterwards the persistent enemy of the sons of Constantine. He was at various times a bitter persecutor of the Christians, and it is said (Plate) that "no Persian king had ever caused such terror to Rome as this monarch." Compare article by Plate on the Sassanidæ in Smith, Dict. of Gr. and R. Biog. and Mythol.

208. 3315

     [Referring to the luminous appearances produced by the Pagan priests in the celebration of their mysteries.—Bag.]

209. 3316

     [Valerian, who had been a persecutor of the Christians, and whose expedition against the Persians had terminated in his own captivity, and subjection to every kind of insult and cruelty from the conquerors.—Bag.]

210. 3317

     [The sense given above of this passage (which in the text is corrupt), is founded on the reading restored by Valesius from Theodoritus and Nicephorus.—Bag.] Stroth translates (Hein.), "So I desire for you the greatest prosperity; and for them, too, I wish that it may prosper as with you."

211. 3318

     [That is, Friday. The passage is not very intelligible. Does it mean that Constantine ordered this day to be distinguished in some way from others, as the day of the Lord's crucifixion?—Bag.]

212. 3319

     [The decree of Constantine for the general observance of Sunday appears to have been issued a.d. 321, before which time both "the old and new sabbath" were observed by Christians. "Constantine (says Gibbon, ch. 20, note 8) styles the Lord's day Dies solis, a name which could not offend the ears of his Pagan subjects."—Bag.] This has been urged as ground for saying that Constantine did not commit himself to Christianity until the end of life, but it only shows his tact and care in treating the diverse elements of his empire.

213. 3320

     Compare for these, Yates, article Signa Militaria in Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Ant., where there is given cut of the arch of Constantine showing such standards.

214. 3321

     Compare Venables, Easter, Ceremonies of, in Smith and Cheetham, Dict., for account of the customs of the day.

215. 3322

     [This prohibition must be limited to private sacrifices. See Bk. II., ch. 45, note.—Bag.]

216. 3323

     "Str. rightly translates and honored the festal days by public gatherings,' while Val. [and Bag.] falsely renders duly honored the festival seasons of the church.'"—Hein.

217. 3324

     This saying of Constantine has occasioned a deal of exegesis and conjecture. Compare monograph of Walch mentioned under Literature in the Prolegomena for discussion and references to other older literature.

218. 3325

     The most accessible reference for getting a glimpse of the legislation of Constantine in these and similar regards is the section, The alteration in general and penal legislation in Wordsworth's Constantinus I., in Smith and Wace, Dict. 1 (1877). This section is on p. 636-7. Compare also the laws themselves as gathered in Migne, Patrol. lat. vol. 8. Compare also Prolegomena for general statement of the value of his legislation and his reputation as legislator.

219. 3326

     [The word "philosophy," here and in the 28th chapter, plainly indicates that virginity which was so highly honored in the earlier ages of Christianity, and the undue exaltation of which was productive, necessarily, of evils which it is scarcely possible to estimate at their full extent.—Bag.] On the growing prevalence of the practice of virginity compare Hatch, Virgins, in Smith and Cheetham, Dict. But this note belongs rather to the paragraph below; for the author does not refer to Christian virginity but primarily to philosophical celibacy in this instance. The Neo-Platonic philosophy of the times, through its doctrine of the purification of the soul by its liberation from the body or sensuous things, taught celibacy and ascetic practices generally. So Plotinus (d. 270 a.d.) practiced and taught to a degree, and Porphyry (d. 301+) more explicitly. Compare rich literature on Neo-Platonism, and conveniently Zeller, Outlines of Gr. Philos. Lond., 1886, p. 326-43, passim.

220. 3327

     Compare Prolegomena, under Character and Writings.

221. 3328

     Compare Prolegomena, and the Oration appended to this work.

222. 3329

     [Since it is uncertain whether thou wilt be buried in the ground, or consumed by fire, or drowned in the sea, or devoured by wild beasts (Valesius in loc.).—Bag.]

223. 3330

     Compare Prolegomena, under Character.

224. 3331

     Compare the Oration itself following this work.

225. 3332

     [i.e. through the sufferings and resurrection of Christ.—Bag.]

226. 3333

     Molz.in a note regards these as lectionaries, but they are usually thought to have been regular copies of the Scriptures in Greek—Septuagint and N.T., and the Codex Sinaiticus has been thought to be one of them. It dates from not earlier than the time of Eusebius, as it contains the Eusebian Canons, but yet from the fourth century. Altogether it is not impossible that it was one of these, and at all events a description of it, extracted from Scriveners (Introduction, 1883, p. 88 sq.), will be a fair illustration. "13½ inches in length by 14-7/8 inches high." "Beautiful vellum." "Each page comprises four columns, with 48 lines in each column." "Continuous noble uncials." "Arranged in quires of four or three sheets." It is evident from comparison of several quotations of Eusebius that the copy of the New Testament which he himself used was not closely related with the Sinaitic text, unless the various readings headed by this ms. are all mistakes originating with it. Compare allusions in the notes to such different readings. The last clause, although in the text of Heinichen, is of doubtful authority.

227. 3334

     This word is a transcription, rendered "Procurator" by Bag., and is perhaps corresponding to that official (cf. Long. article Fiscus, in Smith, Dict. Gr. and R. Ant.). But this transcription is recognized (cf. Ffoulkes, Catholicus, in Smith and Cheetham, Dict.).

228. 3335

     The fact that the Sinaiticus exhibits two or three hands suggests that it was prepared with rapidity, and the having various scribes was a way to speed.

229. 3336

     [The parchment copies were usually arranged in quaternions, i.e. four leaves made up together, as the ternions consisted of three leaves. The quaternions each contained sixteen pages, the ternions twelve (Valesius in loc.).—Bag.] So probably, although the three-columned form of the Sinaiticus and the four of the Vaticanus suggest a possible other meaning.

230. 3337

     These are general dates; "about" the tenth, etc., would have been more exact. Compare Prolegomena, under Life.

231. 3338

     [Gri?dos logo. Well may the old English Translator remark on this, "An odd expression." We may go further, and denounce it as an instance of the senseless and profane adulation to which our author, perhaps in the spirit of his age, seems to have been but too much inclined.—Bag.]

232. 3339

     Compare on the Synod of Tyre (held 335 a.d.), Hefele, Hist. of Councils, 2 (1876), 17-26.

233. 3340

     Compare Hefele, 2. 26-7.

234. 3341

     [Alexander, bishop of Thessalonica. By the Pannonian and Moesian bishops are meant Ursacius and Valens, leaders of the Arian party; by the Bithynian and Thracian, Theogonius of Nicæa, and Theodorus of Perinthus (Valesius).—Bag.]

235. 3342

     "The emperor showed himself very attentive to them."—Molz.

236. 3343

     [Eusebius gives us no example of his application of Scripture in this case. His commentator Valesius refers to Zeph. iii. 8 (LXX), Di? touto hupomeinon me, legei Kurios, eis hemeran anast?seos mou eis marturion, and tells us that Cyril of Jerusalem, in his fourth Homily, explains this passage in Zephaniah of the Martyrium, of Basilica, which Constantine built on the spot of the Lord's resurrection. Let any one examine the whole passage (allowing for the mistake of one Hebrew word for another by the LXX), and say, if this be a fair specimen, what we are to think of the Fathers of the fourth century as interpreters of Scripture. See also Bk. 3, ch. 33, note.—Bag.] "Interpreted pertinent passages from the prophets."—Str. and Molz.

237. 3344

     The Oration is appended to this work.

238. 3345

     Nicæa.

239. 3346

     Yet Eusebius himself in his Oration uses language almost as obnoxious, and records that Constantine was much pleased with it. The difference was probably one of gracefulness.

240. 3347

     His second son by Fausta. Crispus seems now to be counted out. This was not the famous Eusebia who was his second wife.

241. 3348

     ["The younger Constantine was appointed to hold his court in Gaul; and his brother Constantius exchanged that department, the ancient patrimony of their father, for the more opulent, but less martial, countries of the East. Italy, the Western Illyricum, and Africa, were accustomed to revere Constans, the third of his sons, as the representative of the great Constantine" (Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. 18).—Bag.] Compare Prolegomena, under Life.

242. 3349

     Centurions, generals, tribunes.

243. 3350

     The expression is over strong. Constantius, e.g., was not baptized until just before his death.

244. 3351

     [In his Chronicon, Eusebius gives the more correct period of thirty years and ten months. Constantine's reign began a.d. 306, and his death took place a.d. 337.—Bag.] Compare Prolegomena, also Clinton, Fasti Rom. an. 337.

245. 3352

     Compare Prolegomena, under Character.

246. 3353

     "Psychical qualities"—including more than intellectual.

247. 3354

     Compare Prolegomena, Character. There is a striking touch of naturalness in this passage which tells for the historical trustworthiness of the biographer, and though exposing the fault of the emperor yet gives a rather pleasing glimpse of his character.

248. 3355

     Compare remarks in Prolegomena, under Writings and Character.

249. 3356

     From this point to the end of the first sentence in ch. 58 is bracketed by Heinichen.

250. 3357

     Literally "salutary word of cleansing," but the paraphrase of Bag. will stand well whichever of the readings, "salutary cleansing," or "salutary word of cleansing," is adopted.

251. 3358

     [These words seem to prove that the emperor now first became a catechumen. His postponement of baptism until his last illness (after having stood forward so long as the public advocate and protector of the Christian religion), and the superstitious reliance which he was encouraged to place on the late performance of this "mysterious" rite, afford an evidence of the melancholy obscuration of Christian truth at the very time when Christianity was ostensibly becoming the religion of the Roman Empire. There is probably too much truth in the following remarks of Gibbon: "The pride of Constantine, who refused the privileges of a catechumen, cannot easily be explained or excused: but the delay of his baptism maybe justified by the maxims and practice of ecclesiastical antiquity. The sacrament of baptism was supposed to contain a full and absolute expiation of sin; and the soul was instantly restored to its original purity, and entitled to the promise of eternal salvation. Among the proselytes of Christianity, there were many who judged it imprudent to precipitate a salutary rite, which could not be repeated; to throw away an inestimable privilege, which could never be recovered," &c. (Decline and Fall, ch. 20).—Bag.] On the forms of admission to the catechumenate, compare Marriott, Baptism, in Smith and Cheetham, Dict.

252. 3359

     Or "no hesitation." On this clause a deal of controversy has hinged. "No hesitation shall longer prevail" is the rendering of Molz., and Keim (Uebertritt C. p. 1) similarly gives "let all duplicity be banished." In the view of this translation, Constantine had been hedging all his life, trying to be Christian to Christians and heathen to heathen. The basis of the hypothesis is too slight for it to have any weight in view of the overwhelming documentary evidence of the frequent public professions of Christianity by Constantine, for which see Prolegomena, under Character. Discussion of various points relating to his baptism will be found under Literature, under the names Busæus, Castelli, Dalhus, Frimelius Fuhrmann, Guidi, Halloix, Hynitzsch, Jacobus of Sarug, Nicolai, Polus, Schelstrate, Scultetus, Tentzel, Walther, Withof.

253. 3360

     [It was customary for neophytes to wear white garments, which they laid aside on the eighth day from their baptism.—Bag.]

254. 3361

     The idea of ownership in empire which seems so strange in these days of republics, and is disallowed even by theoretical monarchists, seems to have been a most matter-of-course one in the mind of Constantine, and Eusebius was a true imperialist regarding "tyranies" and "republics" as in the same category. Whether it was by "divine right" or "natural right" they were quite sure it was a "right," and one to be freely exercised.

255. 3362

     Compare Prolegomena, Life, Last Years; also for age at time of death, Prolegomena, p. 411, note.

256. 3363

     [Alluding to his desire of being buried in the church of the apostles, and sharing their honors, as noticed in ch. 60.—Bag.]

257. 3364

     [It appears that an interregnum of about three months took place, during which all the laws and edicts continued to be issued in the name of Constantine, as before his death.—Bag.]

258. 3365

     The sharp sarcasms of Julian's Cæsars seem almost to have taken their text from this challenge. He marshals the great emperors before the gods, where each presents his claim to greatness. Constantine is greatly ridiculed, and yet to choose between Julian and Eusebius, if regard is had to Constantine's real effect on world history, Eusebius is the truer judge, and is at least not so far wrong that his superlative enthusiasm for his imperial friend cannot be readily pardoned.

259. 3366

     Or "once suffering."

260. 3367

     hermaiou, "gift of Hermes"; i.e. providential good-fortune. Valesius wrongly conjectures herma, "foundation" of promise.

261. 3368

     Valesius, followed by various translators, substitutes "God" for "Nature." But all ms. authority, and the context as well, is against.

262. 3369

     1709, Molz., Vales., Cous., render "substitute in place thereof their own superstition."

263. 3370

     [The bishop who is thus metaphorically addressed as the guide and controller of the Church.—Bag.]

264. 3371

     Some mss. read poma, "draught."

265. 3372

     "I read aute phr?sei...but regarding phr?sei as derived not from the verb phr?zein, but from the noun phr?sis."—Hein.

266. 3373

     "Ought not to shrink or to be neglectful."

267. 3374

     Valesius, followed by 1709 and substantially by Bag., omitting pros, renders "enter upon the head and principal matter of our design." Hein. retains pros, and like Molz. renders "proceed, as well as I may, to my theme." He means rather that having God's help he will not fear to "essay great things."

268. 3375

     "Beginning."

269. 3376

     Presiding "overseer," "president," or "ruler." It is the one who has charge of games or ships or public works, &c.

270. 3377

     Cf. John i. 3, 13, 14, and Eph. i. 10. There is the greatest variety in the rendering of this passage, of which Bag.'s is the worst. The writer draws here on a philosophy of the Logos, which recognizes the second person of the Trinity as the creator and head of created things. The free version of Cousin gives the best flavor of the idea. "He was produced by the inexhaustible fecundity of his eternal mind to preside over the creation and government of this visible world." A better translation waits on a better exposition of the doctrine of the Logos and its history.

271. 3378

     Molz.renders "und die Organe, mit Hilfe derer das Wahrgenommene innerlich zur Idee erhoben wird."

272. 3379

     Chr.substantially "natural and artificial"; Molz. "lifeless and live"; perhaps "inorganic and organic" is meant.

273. 3380

     [Alluding to the fabulous division of the world between the brothers Jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto. Valesius in loc.—Bag.] Or rather Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades. Zeus had the heavens, Poseidon the sea, and Hades the underworld, while the earth remained "with high Olympus, common to us all"—a fruitful source of dissension. Cf. Homer, Il. XV. 184-195, ed. Doederlein, 2 (1864), p. 64-65; tr. Bryant, XV. ll. 227-245.

274. 3381

     A possible reading here is exairetos, i.e. take as the chief object, &c.—Vales. and Hein.

275. 3382

     Valesius remarks that many instances are recorded where the oracle of Apollo replied to those who consulted him that Bacchus or Saturn must be placated in order to their liberation.

276. 3383

     "Form."

277. 3384

     A favorite theme of the Christian apologists. Cf. long list given in the Clementine Recognitions, X. 22.

278. 3385

     Or "perfections."

279. 3386

     "To be referred not to the preceding Christ' but...the supreme God."—Hein. (?).

280. 3387

     [Constantine seems to have supposed the Paradise of our first parents to be somewhere apart from this earth. In this fanciful idea, which is obviously indefensible from Scripture he is countenanced by the opinions of Tertullian, Tatian, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Valentinian, and Jerome, some of whom placed it in or above the third heaven, others in the fourth, others again in a world superior to the present, &c. See the note of Valesius, who quotes from some of these Fathers. In reference to what follows, we may ask, Was Constantine acquainted with, or does he avoid noticing, the circumstances of the fall?—Bag.] Ans. Constantine like many another to our own day seems to regard the "fall" as a fall upwards—that complacent optimism which ignores Scripture and Schopenhauer alike.

281. 3388

     Without the logos, i.e. inarticulate or (as here) irrational.

282. 3389

     For a full discussion of various definitions and usage of the word Fate (he eiriarmene) in Greek philosophy, compare Zeller, Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics (Lond. 1880), p. 170-171, notes.

283. 3390

     automaton. The usual word for chance or accident is tuche. These may be here, as is often the case, simple synonyms, but both words are used in the same phrase later in such way as to suggest that tuche is parallel with "fate" rather than "chance" in the author's mind. automaton seems to be used of "self-originating," tuche of originating from some unknown cause or without any cause. The former is the modern, self-energized, "lift-yourselves-by-your-own-boot-straps" evolution. The latter is a form of agnosticism. Aristotle (Metaph. 10. 8) defines chance (tuche) as a "cause by accident" (sumbebekos), or more literally "coincidence," which is substantially what Janet (Final Causes, 1878, p. 19) means by defining chance as the coincidence of causes. At the end of the same chapter Aristotle uses automaton in contrast with tuche—"tuche or even automaton," which has been rendered (M'Mahon) "chance or even spontaneity." In modern phrase those who hold these three various views of the universe might be characterized as "material evolutionists," "transcendental idealists," and "philosophical (or perhaps agnostic') evolutionists."

284. 3391

     i.e. "plan."

285. 3392

     dikaiosune, better "righteousness," "correctness of thinking, feeling, and acting" (Thayer, Lex. p. 149). So its opposite mentioned below (adikia) is better "unrighteousness," as generally in the revised English version of the N.T., "mammon of unrighteousness" (Luke xvi. 9, e.g.). The word means more than our "just," "more," as Socrates said (Plat. Rep. 1. 331), "than to speak the truth and pay your debts." Righteousness is the better translation, but we are met with the difficulty that it has generally been rendered justice in translations of the philosophers.

286. 3393

     sophrosune, temperance, vs. akolasia, intemperance, below; soundness of mind vs. insanity (cf. use in Acts xxvi. 25, and of verb in Mark v. 15; Luke viii. 35; also use in Plato, Rep. 332, &c.); self-control vs. unbridled desire. This same contrast of sophrosune and akolasia is found in Aristotle, Eth. 2, vii. 3; 7, vii. I; and especially 7, ix. 5.

287. 3394

     ti dikaion, not dikaiosune

288. 3395

     This is very free, and follows translation of Valesius and 1709 text. 1709 marg. translates more literally, "But either crimes, or, on the other hand, brave performances, which are [the property] of a good and right purpose of mind, if they happen sometimes one way, at others another," and Molz. somewhat similarly. It is possible that it should read: "Granted that either evil actions proceeding from a good and upright will, or contrariwise, good actions [from an evil will] which issue directly contrary [to their own nature or to just expectation] may be ascribed to chance or fate, how can the right," &c.

289. 3396

     dikaiosune

290. 3397

     tuche.

291. 3398

     automaton

292. 3399

     noos was not narrowed to the mere intellectual functions. "Intellectual" is not to be taken of brain function only, but of brain and heart,—real knowing, as against the "intellectuation" which men nowadays try to force the word "know" to mean.

293. 3400

     "Quire of the stars," 1709.

294. 3401

     The "logos endi?thetos" of Philo, frequent in Alexandrian theologians. It is the unuttered thought vs. the expressed word.

295. 3402

     Fore-ordination, or plan.

296. 3403

     automaton

297. 3404

     psuches = "soul." In the absence of a proper Biblical psychology the word has been most sadly abused in translations. The only way back to a proper conception of the words "spirit" and "soul" and "life," &c., is to re-establish a uniform rendering for them. It is as bad as the rendering of our English version, where nephesk (= psuche) is rendered "life."

298. 3405

     This is almost identically the form of what Socrates (Apol. c. 2) declared to be the falsehood circulated by his enemies to his prejudice. "But far more dangerous are those who began when you were children and took possession of your minds with their falsehoods, telling of one Socrates, a wise man who...made the worse appear the better cause" (logon, "reason"), Tr. Jowett, 1 (1874), 316. This example does peculiar discredit either to the learning or the mental honesty of the author.

299. 3406

     Rather "deriving existence from," "proceeding from," gives strict idea, but may be confounded with the technical "proceeding from" of the "filioque" controversy, which is quite another phrase.

300. 3407

     "Spirit."

301. 3408

     "The one simple" is not in the text, but is a conjectural addition of Valesius, followed by most translators. "Consisting of bodily structure" seems possibly to be an epexegetical phrase relating to the "all things" which he divides into intellectual and sensible, making the intellectual as well as the sensible to have bodily (somatic) structure. "All things," or "the universe," a plural technical term, is regarded as his mind passes to the explanation as "the all." This psychological probability appears a simpler solution than the various textual conjectures.

302. 3409

     Heinichen suspects that there has been an inversion of words here, and that it should have been, "He further teaches the admirable and profitable doctrine," and "a doctrine not merely to be admired" omitted.

303. 3410

     "All the Greek-speaking world, and foreign lands as well."

304. 3411

     Rhadamanthus was a son of Jove (or Vulcan) and Europa. Cf. Hom. Il. 14. 322; Od. 4. 564, 7. 323.

305. 3412

     [There can be no doubt (though the fact is not immediately apparent from the wording of the text), that the spirit of this passage is ironical.—Bag.]

306. 3413

     Rather "cheat," or "delude." Mr. Charles Dudley Warner, essayist and novelist, says in an interesting essay on the relation of fiction to life, that the object of fiction is to produce illusions, and the test of its art is its power to produce such illusion.

307. 3414

     There is a temptation here to adopt the translation of Molz. "Truth lies in the fiction, however, when what is told corresponds to reality." Mr. Warner, in his lecture, goes on to say that the object of fiction is to reveal what is,—not the base and sordid things only or peculiarly, but the best possibilities, and gives an exquisite exposition of the fact that the idealism of true fiction is simply the realism of the nobler characteristics and truths. The truth is, that the object of fiction or poetry as art is to produce the image,—fill the whole personality with a picture. This is only gained in its highest form when every detail exactly corresponds to truth or reality. The function of fiction is not illusion, but realization. Its object is the reproduction of truth. Molz. makes Constantine say that fiction is true when it corresponds to reality, though the forms be not historical or actual. This is a true observation, but not what Constantine says. He says in substance, with Mr. Warner, that the object is to produce illusion or deceive, while the idea of truth is just the reverse.

308. 3415

     One ms. adds, "and concerning those who did not know this mystery." In another the chapter is divided, and this is the heading of the second part.

309. 3416

     Or "this discourse concerning virtue."

310. 3417

     [Alluding to the apostles, who are called in the beginning of ch. 15, "the best men of their age." Were it our province to criticise, we might notice the contrariety of such expressions as these to the account which Scripture gives us of those "unlearned and ignorant men," the feeble, and, in themselves, fallible instruments, whom God selected to further his wondrous designs of mercy to a ruined world.—Bag.] Were it in our province to criticise the critic, we might notice that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and refer to the whole Book of Proverbs. Any just conception of wisdom or true learning says the same thing. The man who knows that God and not phusis or tuche manages the universe, is more learned than the wisest of those learned in things which are not so.

311. 3418

     Christophorson extends ch. 10 to this point, and here introduces ch. 11, with the heading "On the coming of Our Lord in the flesh; its nature and cause."

312. 3419

     Preserved, preserver, and preservation = saved, saviour, and salvation. This represents the N.T. idea better than the popular conception which confuses Christ our Saviour with Christ our Redeemer. Redemption was a necessary part of his effort for our salvation, but the salvation itself was a saving, in literal English preserving. We have been redeemed; we are being saved.

313. 3420

     Bag.follows here Valesius' translation and note where he makes the word "preservation" a conjectural emendation of Scaliger, inconsistent with the meaning of the passage, and omits translating "the cause of all things that exist." But Hein. does not even hint such reading, and his text (followed also by Molz.), so far from tending to disturb the whole meaning, gives much the more intelligent conception. Christ is the preserver (saviour) of things. Preservation of things is the effect of that cause, just as the Father is the cause of the Son, and the Son the effect of that cause. Therefore the preserver precedes created things as a cause precedes its effect.

314. 3421

     Valesius expresses a preference for the reading kathodou (advent) here instead of katholou (universal), but the latter is the reading of Heinichen, and undoubtedly correct. Bag. has followed Valesius.

315. 3422

     "New mode" is a paraphrase supported by only one ms. The real meaning of nothen is well expressed by Chr., "alienam quandam a communi hominum natura nascendi rationem sibi excogitavit." Its usual meaning is "illegitimate."

316. 3423

     This is supposed to refer to Heb. i. 3, although a different Greek word is used.

317. 3424

     Various suggestions have been made regarding the dove which according to the literal rendering "flew from the ark of Noah." Christophorson (according to Valesius) supposes it to be that dove which Noah formerly sent out of the ark, this dove being a figure of the Holy Spirit which was afterward to come in the Virgin. Jerome, Ep. ad Oc., also regards the Noachic dove as a symbol of the Holy Spirit. Vales., followed by 1711 and Bag., prefer to translate as if it were "like that," &c. This form of the story, according to which the Holy Spirit descends in the form of a dove, is according to Valesius from the Apocrypha; perhaps, he suggests, from the "Gospel to the Hebrews." In later art the dove is the constant symbol of the Holy Spirit, and is often found in pictures of the annunciation, e.g. in pictures by Simeone Memmi, Dürer, Andrea del Sarto, and many others. It is found in six of the pictures of the annunciation given by Mrs. Jameson (Legends of the Madonna, p. 165 sq.).

318. 3425

     The author seems to have here a reference to the Aristotelian distinction between prudence and wisdom (cf. Ethics, 6. 3; 7. 8, &c.). It reminds of that passage (vi. 7, ed. Grant ad. ii. 165-166), where the two are distinguished and defined, wisdom being "concerned with the immutable, and prudence with the variable"; and a little farther along wisdom is distinguished from "statesmanship," i.e. the "social" of Bag., which is a form of "prudence" (tr. Williams, p. 160), and indeed (vi. 8. 1) generically identical with prudence. So again (1, 2) "political art" is identified with ethics.

319. 3426

     Social virtues or "political" virtues. Cf. the "political art" or "statesmanship" of Aristotle.

320. 3427

     [Pollou chronou, "for a considerable time." This seems to be a rhetorical addition to the circumstances of the miracle, scarcely to be justified by the terms of the inspired narrative.—Bag.]

321. 3428

     At this point Christophorson begins his chapter xii., "of those who did not know the mystery," &c.

322. 3429

     The translator takes most extraordinary liberties with the word "philanthropy"; now it is "loving-kindness," now "love of their fellow-men," and so on in picturesque variety, and yet as appropriate as it is lacking in uniformity.

323. 3430

     Cf. Rom. viii. 25; Gal. v. 5.

324. 3431

     [The text, in the last clause of this passage, is undoubtedly corrupt. The above is an attempt to supply a probable sense.—Bag.] This is omitted by Hein. from his text.