General Index to Socrates' Ecclesiastical History (part 2 of 5)

Notes

1. 375

   Isa. liii. 5.

2. 376

   John xiv. 28.

3. 377

   katholikon , universally accepted.'

4. 378

   Matt. xxviii. 19.

5. 379

   Epiphanius relates that Photinus, after he had been condemned and deposed in the synod of Sirmium, went to Constantius, and requested that he might dispute concerning the faith before judges nominated by him; and that Constantius enjoined Basilius, bishop of Ancyra, to undertake a disputation with Photinus, and gave leave that Thalassiuss, Datianus, Cerealis, and Taurus should be arbiters' (Valesius).

6. 380

   So in the Allat. ms., with the variant reading in other mss. Miltoseleukos .

7. 381

   353 a.d.; but the date is given differently in Idatius' Fasti.

8. 382

   354 a.d.

9. 383

   355 a.d.

10. 384

    See III. 1.

11. 385

    So rightly in the Allat. ms.; the variant Gallian is inconsistent with the context.

12. 386

    I. 26.

13. 387

    Diogenes Laertius, Proem. XI (16), says: Philosophers were generally divided into two classes,—the dogmatics, who spoke of things as they might be comprehended; and the ephectics, who refused to define anything, and disputed so as to make the understanding of them impossible.' The word ephectic' is derived from the verb epecho, to hold back,' and was used by the philosophers to whom it is applied as a title because they claimed to hold back their judgment, being unable to reach a conclusion. Cf. also the name skeptic,' from skeptomai . See Zeller, Stoics, Epicureans, and Skeptics, p. 525.

14. 388

    IV. 7.

15. 389

    So also Sozomen, IV. 9; but the number appears exorbitant. Valesius conjectures that the texts of Socrates and Sozomen are corrupted, and that we must read thirty instead of three hundred. The smaller number agrees exactly with the list given in the epistle of this council to Eusebius of Vercellæ; in this list thirty bishops are named as agreeing to the condemnation of Athanasius, Marcellus, and Photinus. Cf. Baronius, Annal. year 355.

16. 390

    Sozomen (IV. 9) agrees here also with Socrates; but Athanasius, in Epist. ad Solitar., and after him Baronius and Valesius, make Milan and not Alba, the metropolis of Italy, and Dionysius bishop of Milan, and not of Alba.

17. 391

    Cf. Sozomen, III. 19; IV. 15-19; Theodoret, H. E. II. 18-21; Rufin. II. 21; Philostorgius, IV. 10. Also Hefele, Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 246-271.

18. 392

    Ch. 39.

19. 393

    According to Theodoret (H. E. II. 19) Aëtius was promoted to the diaconate under Leontius at Antioch; but Leontius, on being censured by Flavian and Diodorus for ordaining one who was notorious for his blasphemous utterances, divested him of his diaconate. Hence, later, Eudoxius attempted to restore him, as is here said.

20. 394

    Athan. de Synod. 8; but Athanasius does not say that this creed was translated from Latin, as he does whenever he produces any document put into Greek from Latin; whence it appears, according to Valesius, that this is the form drawn up in Greek by Marcus of Arethusa, and submitted to the third Sirmium council in 359, but read at Ariminum as here said (cf. ch. 30, and note). The argument is not considered conclusive by Reading as far as it regards the original language of the creed; that it was written by Marcus of Arethusa, however, seems to be proved.

21. 395

    The title of the emperor in Athanasius' version is The most pious and victorious emperor Constantius Augustus, eternal Augustus,' &c., which agrees with the representations of the ancients on the vainglory of Constantius. Cf. Amm. Marcellin. Rerum Gestarum, XVI. 10. 2, 3 (ed. Eyssenhardt).

22. 396

    359 a.d.

23. 397

    Job xxxviii. 17 (LXX).

24. 398

    John xiv. 16; xvi. 14.

25. 399

    Athan. de Synod. 8.

26. 400

    This appeal to antiquity, as the test of truth, is very common with the earlier Fathers; cf. Eusebius' treatment of the Scriptures of the New Testament, H. E. III. 3, 24, 25, et al.

27. 401

    Isa. i. 2; Hos. i. 1.

28. 402

    Jer. i. 2.

29. 403

    Luke ii. 1.

30. 404

    Athan, de Synod. 10. The Latin original which is given in Hilar. Fragm. 8, was adopted by Valesius in this place, and subsequently also by the English translators. We have followed the Greek of Socrates, giving the most important differences in the following four notes; viz. 15, 16, 17, and 18. How these variations originated it is impossible to tell with assurance; but it is not improbable that they may represent two drafts, of which one was originally tentative.

31. 405

    The Latin original here contains the following paragraph not reproduced by Socrates: These matters having been strictly investigated and the creed drawn up in the presence of Constantine, who after being baptized, departed to God's rest in the faith of it, we regard as an abomination any infringement thereon, or any attempt to invalidate the authority of so many saints, confessors, and successors of the martyrs, who assisted at that council, and themselves preserved inviolate all the determinations of the ancient writers of the catholic church: whose faith has remained unto these times in which your piety has received from God the Father, through Jesus Christ our God and Lord, the power of ruling the world.'

32. 406

    The Latin original omits the following paragraph, ending with the words over our portion of the world.'

33. 407

    The Latin original in Hilar. omits the name of Auxentius.

34. 408

    Instead of the Greek words here translated, fill the believing with distrust and the unbelieving with cruelty,' the Latin original reads verum etiam infideles ad credulitatem vetantur accedere.'

35. 409

    Cf. Theodoret, H. E. II. 20.

36. 410

    Cf. Theodoret, H. E. II. 16.

37. 411

    Hilar. Fragm. 8; Hefele, Hist. of Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 257.

38. 412

    From this place it plainly appears, as Valesius remarks, that the authority of the see of Constantinople was acknowledged, even before the council of Constantinople, throughout the region of the Hellespont and Bithynia, which conclusion is also confirmed by the acts of Eudoxius, bishop of Constantinople, who made Eunomius bishop of Cyzicus. Two causes co-operated to secure this authority, viz. (1) the official establishment of the city as the capital of the empire by Constantine, and (2) the transference to it of Eusebius of Nicomedia, a most vigorous and aggressive bishop, who missed no opportunity for enlarging and consolidating the power of his see.

39. 413

    See above, ch. 16.

40. 414

    I. 13.

41. 415

    According to Valesius it appears incredible that the Catholics should have done what Socrates says they did. For there is nothing more contrary to ecclesiastical discipline than to communicate with heretics either in the sacraments or in prayer.' Hence Socrates was probably imposed upon by the aged Auxano, who fixed upon all the Catholics what was perhaps done by some few Christians who were less cautious.' But Socrates' own attitude towards the Novatians (cf. Introd. p. x.) shows that the difference between them and the Catholics (hoi tes ekklesias) was not universally regarded as an absolute schism forbidding communication even during such times of trial as these described here, which might certainly have drawn together parties already as near to one another as the Novatians and Catholics.

42. 416

    See below, ch. 42.

43. 417

    358 a.d.

44. 418

    In this calamity Cecropius, the bishop of Nicomedia, perished, and the splendid cathedral of the city was ruined; both of which misfortunes were attributed by the heathen to the wrath of their gods. See Sozom. IV. 16.

45. 419

    Tracheia, on account of the neighboring steep mountains. This Seleucia was the capital of Isauria.

46. 420

    359 a.d. See, on this double council of Ariminum and Seleucia, Hefele, Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 346-371.

47. 421

    Cf Athan. de Synodd. 12.

48. 422

    See chaps. 8 and 10.

49. 423

    Athanas. (de Synodd. 29) gives the following portion of this creed apparently as the only declaration made by the council.

50. 424

    Col. i. 15.

51. 425

    See Chrysostom, Homilies 9 and 27, on Acts, and Hom. 1, on 2 Tim., for the belief of the ancient Church in the descent of the Holy Spirit on the ordained in and through ordination.

52. 426

    He was the only one, inasmuch as the General Synod of Constantinople (381 a.d.) expressly forbade all appeals from the ecclesiastical to the civil courts, attaching severe penalties to the violation of its canon on this subject. Cf. Canon 6 of Council of Constantinople. Hefele, Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 364.

53. 427

    On the distinction between the prefect and proconsul and the different functions of each, see Smith, Diction. of Greek and Roman Ant. The statement of Socrates here that Constantius first put Constantinople under a prefect is borne out by Athanasius' mention of Donatus as proconsul of Europe, with Constantinople as chief city.

54. 428

    The General Synod of Chalcedon, 451 a.d., in its seventh canon forbade, under pain of anathema, the mixing of the clerical office with political and worldly matters.

55. 429

    The taxeis here mentioned were classes of officials appointed under a sort of military law, to serve for a given length of time as agents of the presidents and governors of provinces. Cf. Justin. Cod. 12, tit. 52-59.

56. 430

    Cf. chap. 37.

57. 431

    Athanas. de Synodd. 30.

58. 432

    John xv. 26.

59. 433

    Chap. 10.

60. 434

    Chap. 18.

61. 435

    Chap. 19.

62. 436

    Chaps. 30, 37.

63. 437

    Chap. 41.

64. 438

    Cf. Apost. Canon, XXV.

65. 439

    Cf. Tertull. de Idol. IX.: Post evangelium nusquam invenies aut sophistas, aut Chaldæos, aut Incantatores, aut Conjectores, aut magos, nisi plane punitos. See also Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. XVI. 5.

66. 440

    On the prescribed dress of the clergy, and the punishment of those who did not constantly adopt it, see Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. VI. 4. 15.

67. 441

    1 Tim. iv. 3. Cf. Euseb. H. E. IV. 29, on the earliest forms of expression against marriage in the Christian Church; also Apost. Canon, LI. and Augustine, Hærr. XXV., XL., XLVI. See Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. XXII. 1.

68. 442

    On Synod of Gangra, see Hefele, Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 325-339. Almost all the canons of the synod seem to be addressed against the teachings of Eustathius. The fourth canon is expressly on the celibacy of the clergy, as follows: If any one maintains that, when a married priest offer the sacrifice, no one should take part in the service, let him be anathema.'

69. 443

    This was evidently the second consecration of the earlier church of St. Sophia (cf. I. 16, II. 6); the first consecration was celebrated in 326 a.d. Later, the structure was destroyed in a fire, in connection with a popular uprising; and the great church of St. Sophia, at present a Mohammedan mosque, was erected by Justinian, with Isidore of Miletus and Anthimius of Tralles as architects.

70. 444

    360 a.d.

71. 445

    The name has been written Melitius' thus far, but is found as Meletius' from this point, and through Bk. III. Cf. Euseb. H. E. VII. 32.

72. 446

    parasemos ; just as a counterfeit coin has the appearance of the genuine, and is meant to deceive those who do not investigate its genuineness, so the term homoioousios' (homoioousios ), the author implies, was meant to deceive the popular ear by its likeness to the genuine homoousios.'

73. 447

    See Theodoret, H. E. II. 6.

74. 448

    Pneumatomachoi , lit. active enemies of the Spirit.'

75. 449

    I. 4.

76. 450

    361 a.d.

77. 451

    'Anomoioi, because they held that the essence of the Son was dissimilar,' anomoios, to that of the Father.

78. 452

    'Exoukontioi , from the phrase ex ouk onton = from [things] not existing,' because they asserted that the Son was made ex nihilo. The term might be put roughly in some such form as Fromnothingians.'

79. 453

    1 Cor. xi. 12.

80. 454

    Written Errenius' in the Allat. ms.

81. 455

    Cf. Sozom. VI. 25; Schaff, Hist. of the Christ. Ch., Vol. III. p. 708 seq.; Walch, Ketzerhistorie, III. p. 119-229.

82. 456

    III. 16.

83. 457

    361 a.d.

84. 458

    December, 361 a.d. This proclamation must be distinguished from the one in Gaul (II. 47); the latter was the proclamation by the army, and occurred during the lifetime of Constantius.

85. 459

    Cf. I. 1.

86. 460

    See Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. VI. 4, end.

87. 461

    The reader,' anagnostes , lector, was commonly a young man possessed of a good voice, who read the Scriptures from the pulpit or reading-desk (not the altar). Bennett, Christ. Archæol. p. 374.

88. 462

    See Smith, Dict. of Greek and Rom. Antiq. See also, on sacrificing to idols as a sign of apostacy, Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. XVI. iv. 5.

89. 463

    See II. 7, 13, 16, &c.

90. 464

    It is difficult to determine in what particulars the improvements mentioned here were made. Gregory Nazianzen, Contra Julianum, I. lxxv., confesses that Julian had made reforms in the matter.

91. 465

    See chap. 23.

92. 466

    The friendly or propitious divinity of the Persian theology; hence identified with the light and life-giving sun.

93. 467

    The secret or innermost sanctuary of the temple, where none but priests were permitted to enter; afterwards applied to any secret place.

94. 468

    This George is, according to some authorities, the St. George of the legend. In its Arian form the legend represents St. George as warring against the wizard Athanasius; later, the wizard was transformed to a dragon, and George to an armed knight slaying the dragon. On other forms and features of the legend, see Smith & Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biogr., Georgius (43).

95. 469

    Julian, Ep. 10.

96. 470

    Artemius, whom the Emperor Julian afterwards beheaded for desecrating the pagan temple.

97. 471

    Philostorgius (VII. 10) calls this Julian the governor of the East, who was the uncle on the maternal side of Julian the Apostate.' Sozomen also (V. 7 and 8) and Theodoret (H. E. III. 12, 13) furnish information regarding him, as well as Ammianus Marcellius XXIII. i. Cf. also Julian, Epist. XIII. (Spanheim, p. 382).

98. 472

    Theodoret, H. E. III, 4, mentions Hilarius, Astenius, and some other bishops who were at this time recalled from exile by Julian's edict, and joined Lucifer and Eusebius in these deliberations about restoring the authority of the canons and correcting abuses in the church.

99. 473

    Cf. II. 36.

100. 474

     More especially the canons of the Council of Nicæa.

101. 475

     II. 44.

102. 476

     The bishops composing the Council of Nicæa simply declared their faith in the Holy Spirit, without adding any definition; they were not met with any denial of the divinity of the Holy Spirit. This denial was first made by Macedonius, in the fourth century.

103. 477

     Euseb. H. E. VI. 33, says that this Beryllus denied that Christ was God before the Incarnation. He, however, gives the see of Beryllus as Bostra in Arabia, instead of Philadelphia. So also Epiphanius Scholasticus; though Nicephorus, X. 2, calls him Cyrillus, instead of Beryllus.

104. 478

     Valesius conjectures that Socrates is wrong here in attributing such an action to the Synod of Alexandria, as the term ousia does not occur in the Nicene Creed, and such action would therefore be in manifest contradiction to the action at Nicæa. This, however, is not probable, in view of the dominating influence of Athanasius in both. But, as the acts of the Alexandrian synod are not extant, it is impossible to verify this conjecture.

105. 479

     Heb. i. 3.

106. 480

     See Suidas, Lexicon.

107. 481

     The only work of Evagrius preserved to our days is his Ecclesiastical History.

108. 482

     IV. 23.

109. 483

     Athan. de Fuga. 7.

110. 484

     Matt. x. 23.

111. 485

     2 Kings xxii. 2 (LXX).

112. 486

     Athanas. de Fuga. 10.

113. 487

     Gen. xxviii.

114. 488

     Ex. ii. 15.

115. 489

     1 Sam. xix. 12.

116. 490

     Rather Achisch, king of Gath, 1 Sam. xxi. 10.

117. 491

     1 Kings xix. 3.

118. 492

     1 Kings xviii. 4.

119. 493

     Matt. xxvi. 56.

120. 494

     2 Cor. xi. 32, 33.

121. 495

     Num. xxxv. 11.

122. 496

     Matt. x. 23.

123. 497

     Matt. xxiv. 15-18.

124. 498

     John viii. 59.

125. 499

     Abbreviated from Athanasius.

126. 500

     Matt. ii. 13, 22.

127. 501

     Matt. xii. 14, 15.

128. 502

     John xi. 53, 54.

129. 503

     John viii. 58.

130. 504

     Matt. xiii. 13; Isa. ix. 5.

131. 505

     Matt. xiv. 12, 13.

132. 506

     John vii. 30.

133. 507

     John ii. 4; iii. 6.

134. 508

     Matt. xxvi. 45.

135. 509

     Athan. de Fuga. 15.

136. 510

     Athan. de Fuga. 22.

137. 511

     V. 5.

138. 512

     Cf. Sozom. III. 15, and V. 12.

139. 513

     Sozom. V. 14; Theodoret, Hæret. Fabul. IV.

140. 514

     II. 10. 39.

141. 515

     Chap. 1.

142. 516

     basilike. On the origin and history of the term, see Bennett, Christian Archæology, pp. 157-163. The special basilica meant here was situated, according to Valesius, in the fourth precinct, and alone called basilike, or cathedral' without qualification. The Theodosian cathedral' was situated in the seventh ward.

143. 517

     Cf. John i. 46, and Acts ii. 7. Later the word was used by the heathen also, contemptuously, as a term of reproach.

144. 518

     Chap. 16.

145. 519

     Based, probably, on Matt. xxvi. 52, and John xviii. 11.

146. 520

     zonen apetithento ; literally, put off their girdle,' as the badge of office.

147. 521

     The term was used first by traveling teachers of rhetoric at the time of the philosopher Socrates as descriptive of their profession; and although it later acquired an unfavorable significance, it continued to be used also as a professional name given to teachers of rhetoric, as here.

148. 522

     Cf. Tertull. Apol. IX. In the bosom of Africa infants were publicly sacrificed to Saturn, even to the days of a proconsul under Tiberius,' &c.

149. 523

     Cf. Sozom. V. 18; also above, II. 46.

150. 524

     Chap. 21.

151. 525

     Col. i. 26.

152. 526

     Rom. i. 18-21.

153. 527

     On this extra-Scriptural saying attributed to Jesus Christ, see n. 54, Introd, p. xi.

154. 528

     1 Thess. v. 21.

155. 529

     Col. ii. 8.

156. 530

     Tit. i. 12.

157. 531

     Cf. Theophrastus, VII. x. and Diogenes Lærtius, I. x. The latter gives a list of Epimenides' works, but makes no mention of any Oracles.' Socrates must have used this term in a more general sense therefore, and meant some collection of obscure and mystical writings. He also calls Epimenides an Initiator,' because, according to the testimony of Theophrastus, he was versed particularly in lustration and coruscation.

158. 532

     Acts xvii. 28.

159. 533

     Fabricius, Bibl. Græc. II. p. 451 seq.

160. 534

     1 Cor. xv. 33.

161. 535

     Menander, and not Euripides, is the only author to whom this line can be traced (see Tertull. ad Uxor. 1. 8, and Meineke, Fragm. Comic. Græc. Vol. IV. p. 132), but it may have been a popular proverb, or even originally a composition of Euripides, which Menander simply used.

162. 536

     metaboleis . Cf. metabole, used to designate all merchandising, Julius Pollux, III. 25; hence metaboleus , a retailer,' small merchant.'

163. 537

     Hence Gregory of Nazianus calls him kausitauros , a burner of bulls.'

164. 538

     See Euseb. H. E. VI. 20 and 39; also Chrysostom, de S. Babyl. According to these authorities Babylas was bishop of Antioch, succeeding Sabrinus, and was beheaded in prison during the reign of Decius. His remains were transferred to a church built over against the temple of Apollo of Daphne (Sozom. V. 19) by Gallus, Julian's brother.

165. 539

     Ps. xcvi. 7 (LXX).

166. 540

     Matt. xxiv. 2, 15.

167. 541

     Rom. xi. 25; 2 Cor. iii. 14.

168. 542

     metensomatoseos , lit. exchange of bodies,' formed in analogy with metempsuchosis and logically inseparable from that doctrine.

169. 543

     Theodoret, H. E. III. 25, gives the familiar version of the death of Julian, according to which, on perceiving the character of his wound, the dying emperor filled his hand with blood and threw it up into the air, crying, Galilean, thou hast overcome!'

170. 544

     363 a.d.

171. 545

     See above, chap. 13.

172. 546

     So the mss. and Bright. The same reading was also before Epiphanius Scholasticus and Nicephorus; but Valesius conjecturally amends the reading tous Surous tes arches into tous horous tes arches, alleging that Socrates himself later mentions the loss as zemian ton horon. If the reading of Valesius be considered correct, then we must translate submitting to the loss of the borders,' supplying of the empire.' This would include the districts beyond the Tigris.

173. 547

     Liban. Orat. xviii. (Opera, i. Reiske).

174. 548

     Porphyry. See above, I. 9.

175. 549

     In his Crito, Phædo, Phædrus, and Apology of Socrates. See also Xenophon's Memorabilia of Socrates and Symposium.

176. 550

     Marcus Aurelius.

177. 551

     Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. V. 23.

178. 552

     Euripid. Fragm.

179. 553

     Probably Socrates means Origen's lost work, known as Stromata, which Jerome (in his Ep. ad Magnum) says was written to show the harmony of the Christian doctrines and the teachings of the philosophers. The description here given does not tally more precisely with any other work of Origen now extant.

180. 554

     Cyril, Contra Julian. III. (p. 93, ed. Spanheim).

181. 555

     Julian, Orat. VII.

182. 556

     Liban. Orat. XVIII. (Oper. I. 625, Reiske).

183. 557

     paredreuta , term applied to associates on the bench in judicatories.

184. 558

     Isa. vii. 9 (LXX, kai e& 129;n me pisteusete, oude me sunete).

185. 559

     For a full account of Antinoüs and his relations to Hadrian, see Smith, Dict. of Greek and Roman Biogr. and Mythol., article Antinoüs. The story has been put into literary fiction in the historical novels Antinoüs, by George Taylor (A. Hausrath), and The Emperor, by Georg Ebers.

186. 560

     It is uncertain what the true reading should be here. In one of the mss. it is 'Adrias, in another 'Andrias; according to others Adrianos, or 'Arrianos. Valesius suggests the substitution of Loukianos . If this be adopted, then the Alexander suggested is Lucian's Alexander of Abonoteichus. For a lucid and suggestive reproduction of this story, see Froude, Short Studies on Great Subjects, essay on Lucian.

187. 561

     The mss. and all the Greek texts read Zenon, making the name Pasinicus Zenon, or Zeno.' The translation here given assumes the alteration in the process of transcription of a single letter making the original Zelon, which probably means the city of Zeleia, on the southeastern coast of the Euxine, famous for a victory of Mithridates over Triarius, the lieutenant of Lucullus, in 67 b.c.

188. 562

     This word, whose original is xenon, is inserted by Valesius. If it were omitted, the translation would be, which to some seems acceptable.'

189. 563

     On the present borders of Turkey and Persia.

190. 564

     According to Valesius Hippi.

191. 565

     The name of this city is variously given as Archis, Arca, Arcæ, Arcas, Arcæa, Arcena. It lies at the foot of Mount Lebanon. See Joseph. Antiq. V. 1 and de Bello, XII. 13.

192. 566

     Themist. Orat. V. (p. 80, ed. Harduin).

193. 567

     Straits between Euboea and the mainland.

194. 568

     364 a.d.

195. 569

     Cf. III. 13.

196. 570

     Cf. V. 3.

197. 571

     365 a.d.

198. 572

     Cf. II. 40.

199. 573

     Cf. II. 37. Six years previous to the point of time reached by the historian thus far; i.e. 359 a.d.

200. 574

     Cf. II. 40, end.

201. 575

     366 a.d.

202. 576

     Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum, XXVI. ix. 8-10, says that Florentius and Barchalba, after the fight at Nacolia, delivered Procopius bound to Valens, and that Procopius was immediately beheaded, and Florentius and Barchalba soon underwent the same punishment. Philostorgius also (IX.) relates that Procopius was beheaded, and that Florentius, who delivered him to Valens, was burnt.

203. 577

     Cf. II. 38.

204. 578

     II. 35, end.

205. 579

     Sozom. VI. 8, gives the same account; but Philostorgius (V. 3) and Theodoret (H. E. II. 37 and 39) say that Eunomius was made bishop of Cyzicus under the Emperor Constantius immediately after the Synod of Seleucia. He was banished by Valens because he favored the usurper Procopius.

206. 580

     scholaios, defined by Sophocles (Greek Lexicon of the Rom. and Byzantine Periods) as suspended. It appears, however, that among the civil and military officers in the Roman system there were some who bore the title without being concerned in the management of their offices, and that these were termed vacantes and therefore that Socrates is using the Greek equivalent of a Latin term and applying it in ecclesiastical matters as its original was applied in civil and military affairs. Cf., on the position of bishops without churches Bingham, Christ. Antiq. IV. ii. 14. This system of clerics without charges was abused so much that the Council of Chalcedon (Canon 6) forbade further ordination sine titulo.

207. 581

     See chap. 3, and on the Eunomians with their subsequent fortunes, V. 24.

208. 582

     Ammianus Marcellinus (Rerum Gestarum XXVI. viii. 2 seq.) says, From the walls of Chalcedon they uttered reproaches to him and insultingly reviled him as Sabaiarius. For, sabaia is a poor drink made of wheat or barley in Illyricum (whence Valens came).' On the Pannonian or Illyrian origin of Valens, see IV. I. It appears also that the Pannonians were accustomed to live on poor diet in general.

209. 583

     Sozom. VIII. 21, mentions these baths. Am. Marcellinus (Rerum. Gestarum, XXXI. I. 4) relates that Valens built a bath out of the stones of the walls of Chalcedon. So also Themist. Orat. Decen. ad Valentem, and Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. 25; the latter calls it a subterraneous and aerial river.' Zonaras and Cedrenus, however, affirm that the structure built was not a bath, but an aqueduct. Cf. Cedrenus, I. 543 (p. 310, B).

210. 584

     Cedrenus, I. 543 (p. 310, B).

211. 585

     Dapsiles hudor.

212. 586

     Matt. x. 10.

213. 587

     Am. Marcellinus (Rerum Gestarum, XXVI. 4. 14), in speaking of Procopius, the usurper, says: Procopius...resorted to the Anastasian baths, named from the sister of Constantine'; from which it appears that either (1) there were two baths of the same name, or (2) the baths here alluded to were named after Constantine's sister and renamed on the occasion of their being repaired or altered, or (3) that Socrates is in error. From the improbabilities connected with (1) and (2) we may infer that (3) is the right view.

214. 588

     366 a.d.

215. 589

     Sozomen (VI. 10) says the same. There were two Valentinians in the second generation; one a son of Valens, and another the son of Valentinian the Elder. According to Idatius' Fasti, it was the former that was born during the consulate of Gratian and Dagalaifus; so that Socrates was in error here, confusing perhaps the two younger Valentinians. Valesius adduces other reasons proving the same, which it is unnecessary to repeat here.

216. 590

     367 a.d.

217. 591

     See II. 43.

218. 592

     368 a.d.

219. 593

     If Socrates means to speak with precision here of the offices occupied by these men during the year which his narrative has reached he is mistaken, for Basil became bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia the year following, and Gregory was made bishop, not of Nazianzus at this time, but of Sisima. He did not, however, enter on the duties of this bishopric as he says in his letters.

220. 594

     Chap. 26.

221. 595

     See II. 35, and Hefele, Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 218 seq.

222. 596

     See I. 5, and note.

223. 597

     The Patripassians were a sect of the early Church (end of second century), who asserted the identity of the Son with the Father. And, as on being confronted with the question whether it was the Father that suffered on the cross they answered in the affirmative, they were called Patripassians. Their leader was Praxeas. See Tertull. Adv. Praxeam (the whole treatise is meant to be a refutation of this heresy).

224. 598

     Followers of the well-known Gnostic leader of the second century. For his peculiar views, see Tertull. Adv. Marcionem; Epiphan. Hæres. XLII.; also Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog., under Marcion, and ecclesiastical histories.

225. 599

     Cf. II. 18 and 29.

226. 600

     Cf. I. 36; II. 20.

227. 601

     See note, I. 36.

228. 602

     See II. 37.

229. 603

     See II. 37. As it appears from V. 4, Liberius was actually deceived by the artifice.

230. 604

     Gen. xiv. 14.

231. 605

     Eunomius adopted the standpoint and also the views of Aëtius and gave them his own name. Briefly his fundamental principle was that the Son is absolutely unlike the Father in substance, and hence a creature among other creatures, a mere man.

232. 606

     See II. 35.

233. 607

     Cf. chap. 21.

234. 608

     Epiphanius Scholasticus reads dekaena for dekaennea ; if he be followed, the incumbency of the bishopric of Constantinople by Eudoxius lasted seven years.

235. 609

     370 a.d.

236. 610

     Cf. Herodot. VII. 147.

237. 611

     The kind of church here meant was a memorial structure to a martyr, erected where his relics were deposited, and was called Marturion . See Bingham, Christ. Antiq. VIII. 1.

238. 612

     The same church which above was called a marturion from its origin, is here called eukterios topos, from its use (a place of prayer').

239. 613

     Gibbon, in his Decline and Fall, chap. 16, quotes a number of extracts from Sulpicius Severus and Ignatius, showing the honor in which martyrdom was held in the early church, and the eagerness with which it was sought. To check the excess of zeal which was thus manifested, the Council of Elvira, in 306 a.d., passed a canon (its sixtieth) to the following intent: that if any one should overthrow idols, and should therefore be put to death, inasmuch as this is not written in the Gospel nor found done among the apostles at any time, such a one should not be received among the martyrs.'

240. 614

     Amm. Marcellinus, Rerum Gertarum, XXIX. I. 29 seq.

241. 615

     Sozomen, VI. 19; Theodoret, H. E. IV. 20.

242. 616

     371 a.d. But Jerome Chronic. II. (ninth year of Valens), makes the consecration of Athanasius' successor in 373 a.d., and hence also the death of Athanasius himself in the same year. The later date is now universally accepted.

243. 617

     On the growth of the monastic system, see Bingham, Eccl. Antiq. VII.; on its philosophy, briefly, Bennett, Christian Archæol. p. 468. Socrates uses Palladius' Historia Lausiaca copiously in this chapter.

244. 618

     biblion apostolikon . The books of the New Testament came to be divided into the two classes of gospels' and apostolic epistles,' the first being called euangelion or euangelia and the second, apostolos, apostoloi or biblion apostolikon . Cf. Epiph. Hær. XLII. 10. Euthal. Diacon. (Ed. Migné, Vol. LXXXV. col. 720, c.

245. 619

     1 Cor. vii. 10 seq.

246. 620

     Gal. iii. 28. What Socrates here says of Ammoun is attributed by Theodoret (H. E. IV. 12) to Pelagius, who afterwards became bishop of Laodicea.

247. 621

     Athanas. Vit. Anton. 60.

248. 622

     Cf. chap. 25.

249. 623

     According to the LXX.

250. 624

     Cf. Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca, chap. 86. But Palladius says that Evagrius was ordained by Gregory of Nyssa, not of Nazianzus. Cf. Sozomen, VI. 30.

251. 625

     Palladius calls this work Iera Sacred [matter].' Hist. Lausiaca, 86.

252. 626

     Cf. Coteler. Eccl. Gr. Mon. 3. 59, containing also other fragments of Evagrius.

253. 627

     Acts ix. 15.

254. 628

     Cf. Ezra iv. 10, 11.

255. 629

     Matt. xix. 21.

256. 630

     Parembole is a village near Alexandria, mentioned by Athanasius in his second Apol. against the Arians, who names Macarius as its presbyter.

257. 631

     See above, III. 7.

258. 632

     Matt. xiii. 24.

259. 633

     Ex. xxvi. 35.

260. 634

     Hist. Lausiaca(Vol. XXXIV. in Migné's Patrologia Græca).

261. 635

     Heb. xi. 36-38.

262. 636

     Heb. xi. 40.

263. 637

     Matt. viii. 29.

264. 638

     Sozom. III. 15; Theodoret, IV. 26; Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. 4; Jerom. de Script. Eccl. 109.

265. 639

     Mentioned by Jerome, adv. Rufinum, 1.

266. 640

     For full accounts of the lives of these eminent men, see Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog., and the sources and literature therein referred to.

267. 641

     Himerius, a native of Prusias (mod. Broussa) in Bithynia, flourished about 360 a.d. as a sophist under Julian the Apostate. He published various discourses, which, according to Photius, contained insidious attacks on Christianity. Cf. Eunapius, p. 153, under title Prohæresius; Photius, Bibl. Cod. 165.

268. 642

     Prohæresius was a native of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, and taught in Athens a short time before Libanius. Cf. Eunapius, Prohæresius, par. 129-162.

269. 643

     This is doubted by Valesius on the ground that Gregory in his autobiography (in verse) says that he was thirty years of age when he left Athens, where his friends wished him to stay and teach rhetoric; but if he stayed at Athens until the thirtieth year of his age, it is not likely that he could have studied with Libanius after that time. So also Rufinus, H. E. II. 9.

270. 644

     Cf. chap. 7 of the present book.

271. 645

     Rufinus (H. E. II. 9) says this. But from Gregory's own works (Orat. VIII.) it appears that he was not made bishop of Nazianzus but assistant to his father, and on the express condition that he should not succeed his father. He was first consecrated bishop of Sasimi by Basil the Great, from thence transferred to Constantinople, but resigned that bishopric (V. 7) and retired to Nazianzus, where he remained bishop until he chose his successor there.

272. 646

     Sozomen (VI. 16) says that Valens came from Antioch to Cæsarea and ordered Basil to be brought before the prefect of the prætorium. This account agrees better with what both Gregory of Nazianzus and Gregory of Nyssa say of this experience of Basil.

273. 647

     On Gregory Thaumaturgus in general, see Euseb. H. E. VI. 30.

274. 648

     Cf. II. 11.

275. 649

     On the Novatians and their schism, see Schaff, Hist. of the Christ. Ch. Vol. I. p. 450, 451; Neander, Hist. of Christ. Ch. Vol. I. p. 237-248. On Socrates' attitude toward Novatianism, see Introd. p. ix. Cf. also Euseb. H. E. VI. 43.

276. 650

     His right name was Novatian, although the Greek writers call him uniformly Navatus, ignoring or confusing him with another person whose name is strictly Novatus. Cf. Jerome, Scriptor. Eccles. LXX.; also Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog.

277. 651

     This was the great Seventh Persecution, and the first which historians agree in calling strictly general.' It took place in 249-251 a.d., and consisted in a systematic effort to uproot Christianity throughout the empire. Many eminent Christians were put to death during its course, and others, among whom was Origen, were tortured. Cf. Origen, Contra Celsum, III.; Gregory of Nyssa, Vita Gregori Thaumaturg. III.; Euseb. H. E. VI. 40-42.

278. 652

     Cf. I. 10.

279. 653

     1 John v. 16, 17.

280. 654

     Cf. I. 8 and note.

281. 655

     The accuracy of this statement is disputed by Valesius, who asserts that the Novatians wrote a book entitled The Martyrdom of Novatian, but that this book was full of false statements and fables, and had been disproved by Eulogius, bishop of Alexandria in the sixth book of his treatise Against the Novatians. Besides, in this Martyrdom of Novatian the founder of the sect was not represented as suffering martyrdom, but simply as being a confessor.' Cf. I. 8, note 12.

282. 656

     Let it be noted that Novatian was a native of Phrygia and naturally had many followers in that province.

283. 657

     V. 21.

284. 658

     Socrates follows Rufinus here (cf. Rufin. H. E. II. 10; but Jerome, Chronicon, puts the consecration of Damasus as bishop of Rome in the third year of Valentinian's reign, i.e. in 367. Cf. also Clinton, Fasti Rom. Ann. 367.

285. 659

     Am. Marcellinus (Rerum Gestarum, XXVII. 3. 12, 13) says that during the disturbance one hundred and thirty-seven citizens were killed in the course of a single day.

286. 660

     Damusus was a Spaniard by race, native of Mantua, patron of Jerome in his biblical researches. Cf. Jerome, ad Damas. Smith & Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog.

287. 661

     On the illegality of ordination without a church, see Bingham, Christ. Antiq. IV. 6. 8. Cf. Gregory Nazianz. Carm. de Vita.

288. 662

     Synchronization of the events attending the accession of Damasus and Ambrose, the former in Rome, the latter at Milan, is dependent on Rufinus. Cf. H. E. II. 11. The events of this chapter more properly fall within the time reached by Socrates, i.e. 374 a.d. (see chap. 29, note 1). Hence rightly seven years later than the events of the preceding chapter.

289. 663

     A Roman by race, born in 333 a.d., turned to ecclesiastical and literary pursuits in the manner described in this chapter. Cf. Sozom. VI. 24; Theodoret, H. E. IV. 6; Rufinus, H. E. II. 11.

290. 664

     375 a.d.

291. 665

     Rather Pannonia.

292. 666

     Baronius (Am. IV. 272) and Valesius in this passage agree in looking upon this whole story as a groundless fiction which some pretended eyewitness palmed off on Socrates. The law mentioned here is never mentioned by any other historian; no vestige of it is found in any of the codes; on the contrary, according to Bingham (Christ. Antiq. XVI. 11), bigamy and polygamy were treated with the utmost severity in the ancient Church, and the Roman law was very much against them; furthermore, Am. Marcellinus (XXX.) says that Valentinian was remarkable for his chastity, both at home and abroad, and Zosimus (IV. 19) that his second wife had been married to Magnentius previously [and hence was not a virgin as here stated] and that he married her after the death of his first wife; all of which considerations taken together render it historically certain that the story is not true.

293. 667

     Cf. V. 2; VI. 1.

294. 668

     This oration of Themistius is extant in a Latin translation by Dudithius appended to G. Remo's Themisttii Phil. orationes sex augustales, and entitled, ad Valentem, pro Libertate relligionis. The passage alluded to by Socrates is found in Dudithius as follows: Wherefore, in regard God has removed himself at the greatest distance from our knowledge, and does not humble to the capacity of our understanding; it is a sufficient argument that he does not require one and the same law and rule of religion from all persons, but leaves every man a license and faculty concerning himself, according to his own, not another man's, liberty and choice. Whence it also happens that a greater admiration of the Deity, and a more religious veneration of his eternal majesty, is engendered in the minds of men. For it usually comes to pass that we loathe and disregard those things which are readily apparent and prostrated to every understanding.'

295. 669

     The fullest and best ancient authors on the origin and history of the Goths are Procopius of Cæsarea (Historia, IV.-VIII., de Bello Italico adversus Gothos gesto), Jornandes (de Getarum [Gothorum] origine et rebus gestis), and Isidore Hispalensis (Historia Gothorum). On the conversion of the Goths to Christianity, see Neander, Hist. of the Christ. Ch. Vol. II. p. 125-129, and Schaff, Hist. of the Christ. Ch. Vol. III. p. 640, 641.

296. 670

     For a slightly differing account of the conversion of the Goths and the labors of Ulfilas, see Philostorgius, II. 5.

297. 671

     By selecting from the Greek and Latin alphabets such characters as appeared to him to best suit the sounds of his native language. For a similar invention of an alphabet as a consequence of the introduction of Christianity, compare the Slavonic invented by Cyril and Methodius and a great number of instances in the history of modern missions.

298. 672

     Cf. Deut. xxxii. 7.

299. 673

     376 a.d.

300. 674

     The name Saracen (Sarakenos , perhaps from the Arabic Sharkeen Orientals') was used vaguely at first; the Greek writers of the first centuries gave it to the Bedouin Arabs of Eastern Arabia, while others used it to designate the Arab races of Syria and Palestine, and others the Berber of North Eastern Africa, who later conquered Spain and Sicily and invaded France. The name became very familiar in Europe during the period of the Crusades. On Saracens, consult the interesting fiftieth chapter of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.

301. 675

     2 Tim. ii. 24.

302. 676

     378 a.d.

303. 677

     The views here expressed show a crude conception of the vital relation between church and state. The very tone of apology which tinges their expression is based on a misconception of the idea of history. But Socrates was not below his age in this respect. See Introd., p. xiii.

304. 678

     1 Tim. v. 24.

305. 679

     For the risks of this method, see IV. 31 and note.

306. 680

     See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. 26.

307. 681

     Cf. IV. 36.

308. 682

     Cf. IV. 7.

309. 683

     Cf. II. 18.

310. 684

     Cf. I. 22.

311. 685

     379 a.d.

312. 686

     Cf. IV. I.

313. 687

     For an account of this deputation and their feigned subscription to the Nicene Creed, through which they prevailed upon Liberius to receive them into the communion of the church, see IV. 12.

314. 688

     Cf. III. 9, and IV. 2.

315. 689

     See above, chap. 3.

316. 690

     In its eighth canon the Council of Nicæa, looking forward to the reconciliation of such Novatians or Cathari as might desire to return to the Catholic Church, enjoins that when in villages or in cities there are found only clergy of their own sect (Cathari), the oldest of these clerics shall remain among the clergy, and in their position; but if a Catholic priest or bishop be found among them, it is evident that the bishop of the Catholic Church should preserve the episcopal dignity whilst any one who has received the title of bishop from the so-called Cathari would only have a right to the honors accorded to priests, unless the bishop thinks it right to let him enjoy the honor of the title. If he does not desire to do so let him give him the place of rural bishop (chorepiscopus) or priest, in order that he may appear to be altogether a part of the clergy, and that there may not be two bishops in the same city.' Cf. Hefele, Hist. of the Councils, Vol. I. p. 410; Bingham, Christ. Antiq. II. 13. 1 and 2.

317. 691

     Theodoret (H. E. V. 3) gives a different account of the way in which the dispute between Melitius and Paulinus came to an end, giving the glory to Melitius for the eirenic overture above described, and representing Paulinus as constrained to accept it against his will by the political head of the community.

318. 692

     Cf. III. 9; Sozom. III. 15, and V. 12.

319. 693

     So also Gregory Nazianz. Carmen de Vita Sua, 595. The grace of the Spirit sent us, many shepherds and members of the flock inviting.' See, however, on Gregory's episcopate at Nazianzus, IV. 26 and note.

320. 694

     Cf. Zosimus, IV.; Sozom. VII. 4; Am. Marcellinus, XXXI. 9 and 10.

321. 695

     Cf. Zosimus, IV. 39, on the dangerous illness of Theodosius. On delayed baptism, called clinic,' see I. 39, note 2. Evidently baptism was not thought essential to one's title to be called a Christian. Theodosius and Constantine were both considered Christians and professed the homoousian faith, and yet they both postponed their baptism to what they believed to be the latest moments of their lives.'

322. 696

     380 a.d.

323. 697

     It appears from several places in Gregory's writings (cf. Somn. de Anastasia, Ad Popul. Anast. and Carmen de Vita Sua, 1709) that he himself had used the name of Anastasia in speaking of the church, so that Socrates' statement that it was so called afterwards must be taken as inaccurate. It also appears that Gregory gave the name Anastasia to the house which he used as a church, and meant to signify by the name (Anastation = Resurrection) the resurrection of the orthodox community of Constantinople. It is possible, of course, that Socrates here means that the emperors later adopted the name given by Gregory on the occasion of building a large church in place of the original chapel. See also on Gregory's stay at Constantinople Sozom. VII. 5; Philostorgius, IX. 19; Theodoret, V. 8.

324. 698

     Cf. Philostorgius, IX. 10 and 14, whence it appears that Demophilus was the Arian bishop who succeeded Eudoxius in Constantinople.

325. 699

     Matt. x. 23.

326. 700

     A specimen of allegorical interpretation due to the influence of Origen. See Farrar, Hist. of Interpretation, p. 183 seq. For similar cases of allegorizing, see Huet, Origeniana passim, and De la Rue, Origenis Opera, App. 240-244.

327. 701

     IV. 37.

328. 702

     The same consulate as at the end of chap. 6; i.e. 380 a.d.

329. 703

     Cf. parallel account in Sozom. VII. 7-9; Theodoret, H. E. V. 8. The Synod of Constantinople was the second great oecumenical or general council. Its title as an oecumenical council has not been disputed, although no Western bishop attended. Baronius, however (Annal. 381, notes 19, 20), attempts to prove, but unsuccessfully, that Pope Damasus summoned the council. For a full account of the council, see Hefele, History of the Councils, Vol. II. p. 340-374.

330. 704

     Sozomen adds that Cyril was previously a follower of Macedonius, and had changed his mind at this time. Cf. Sozom. VII. 7.

331. 705

     381 a.d.

332. 706

     Cf. IV. 12.

333. 707

     See above, chap. 7.

334. 708

     See Bingham, Christ. Antiq. IV. 2. 8 for other examples illustrating this method of electing bishops.

335. 709

     Canon 3 of the Synod; see Hefele, History of the Councils, Vol. II. p. 357. The canon is given by Socrates entire and in the original words. Valesius holds that the primacy conferred by this canon on the Constantinopolitan see was one of honor merely, and involved no prerogatives of patriarchal or metropolitan jurisdiction. For a full discussion of its significance, see Hefele, as above. The Council of Chalcedon in 451 confirmed the above action in the following words: We following in all things the decision of the Holy Fathers, and acknowledging the canon of the one hundred and fifty bishops...do also determine and decree the same things respecting the privileges of the most holy city of Constantinople, New Rome. For the Fathers properly gave the primacy to the throne of the elder Rome.' Canon 28.

336. 710

     Canon 2. The words patriarch,' however, and patriarchate' are not used in the canon. According to Sophocles (Greek Lexicon) the modern sense of these words was introduced at the close of the fourth century. Valesius holds that the sixth canon of the Nicene Council had given sanction to the principle of patriarchal authority; but Beveridge is of opinion that patriarchs were first constituted by the second general council. Hefele takes substantially the same position as Valesius. See discussion of the subject in Hefele, Hist. of the Councils, Vol. I. p. 389 seq.

337. 711

     Cf. IV. 27. On Gregory of Nyssa, one of the most prominent of the ancient Fathers, see Smith & Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog.; Schaff, Hist. of the Christ. Church, Vol. III. p. 903 et seq., and sources mentioned in the work.

338. 712

     Constantine made an advance on his predecessors by dividing the management of the empire among four prefects of the prætorium, which they had committed to two officers of that name. These four were apportioned as follows: one to the East, a second to Illyricum, a third to Italy, and a fourth to Gaul. Each of these prefects had a number of dioceses under him, and each diocese was a combination of several provinces into one territory. In conformity with this model of civil government the church abandoned gradually and naturally its metropolitan administration of the provinces and adopted the diocesan. The exact time of the change is, of course, uncertain, it having come about gradually. It is safe, however, to put it between the Nicene and Constantinopolitan councils. The Fathers in the latter of those councils seem to find it in practical operation and confirm it (Cf. Canon 2 of the councils), decreeing explicitly that it should be unlawful for clerics to perform any office or transact any business in their official character outside of the bounds of the diocese wherein they were placed, just as it was unlawful for the civil officer to intermeddle in any affair outside the limits of his civil diocese.

339. 713

     II. 26.

340. 714

     Socrates according to his custom omits all mention of events in the Western Church. Some of them are quite important; e.g. the council of Aquileia called by the Emperor Gratian. See Hefele, Hist. of Church Councils, Vol. II. p. 375 seq.

341. 715

     This was in 382 a.d. as appears from the Fasti of Idatius. Cf. also Zosimus, IV. 34, and Jerome, Chronicon.

342. 716

     383 a.d.

343. 717

     For a further account of Sisinnius, see VI. 22.

344. 718

     Referring no doubt to the Tower of Babel and the dispersion of its builders, Gen. xi. 8.

345. 719

     Matt. xx. 16.

346. 720

     Below, chap. 15.

347. 721

     Cf. Zosimus, IV. 35 seq.

348. 722

     Cf. IV. 30.

349. 723

     The account of Gratian's death given by Zosimus, though not inconsistent with that of Socrates, does not contain the details given by Socrates. Andragathius is simply said to have pursued Gratian, and overtaking him near the bridge to have slain him. Cf. Zosimus, IV. 35 end.

350. 724

     383 a.d.

351. 725

     384 a.d. Honorius afterwards shared the empire with Arcadius, reigning in the West from 398 to 423 a.d. But although the whole of this period comes within the time of Socrates' history, he does not mention Honorius but once again before his death.

352. 726

     Having been bishop of the Novatians for forty years; see chap. 21.

353. 727

     385 a.d.

354. 728

     Chap. 23.

355. 729

     Being in the ninety-eighth year of his age as appears from VII. 6.

356. 730

     Zosimus, however, says (IV. 37) that the embassy of Maximus was received by Theodosius.

357. 731

     Rather Aquileja as appears from Zosimus and other historians.

358. 732

     388 a.d.

359. 733

     The same account is given in substance by Zosimus, IV. 46, who also confirms the statements of Socrates concerning the end of Andragathius. Valesius, however, relying on Idatius' Fasti, asserts that Maximus was put to death on the 28th of July, not on the 27th of August.

360. 734

     The churches were considered recognized places of asylum. Cf. Bingham, Christ. Antiq. VIII. 10 and 11.

361. 735

     Theodoret (H. E. V. 23) says that there was a double violation of order in the ordination of Evagrius; first in that he was ordained by his predecessor, and secondly in that he was ordained by one bishop, whereas the canon required that not less than three should take part in an episcopal ordination.

362. 736

     Cf. VI. 9; also chaps. 5 and 11 of this book.

363. 737

     In 386 a.d.

364. 738

     See III. 2.

365. 739

     Cf Introd. p. 8.

366. 740

     pithekou, the ape-god.'

367. 741

     There are several cruciform signs among the Egyptian hieroglyphics, as e.g. the simple determinative 5, meaning to cross,' to multiply,' to mix' (see Birch, Egyptian Texts, p. 99); or the syllabic *, phonetically equivalent to am (see Birch, ibid. p. 101); or the cross with a ring at the head *; or the still more elaborate * (see Brugsh, Thesaurus Inscript. Egyptiacarum, p. 20; also Champollion, Grammaire Egyptienne, XII. p. 365, 440). To which of these Socrates refers it is impossible to say from their mere form. They occur commonly and we must infer that the discovery described in this passage is not the first bringing into light of the sign mentioned, but its occurrence in the Serapeum. The third of the above signs is usually interpreted as life' either happy' or immortal,' which agrees with the meaning given to the cruciform sign here mentioned.